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The magna carta

The Magna Carta of 12 October 1297, issued in the name of King Edward I of England as an inspeximus by letters patent of a charter of the ninth year of Henry III, written in medieval Latin on parchment, now repaired and in places rebacked. Approx. 370 X 420 + 32mm., with margins of 10 (left), 28 (top) and 15mm. (right). The writing on ruled lines, with feint ruled vertical plumb lines for the margins. The capital E of the King's name Edwardus decorated and extending down two lines of text. Written throughout in a neat chancery-style hand, in 68 lines of text, the final line extended with a note of warranty Scowe (the name of the chancery official, John of Stowe) infilling the line to the right hand margin. Sealed sur double queue (on a fold at the foot of the document), using a parchment tag (22mm. wide) through a single slit at the foot. On the tag, an impression of the small seal of Edward I, used as the seal of absence by the regency council in England whilst the King was in Flanders 1297-8: natural wax, the central portion of the seal, broken and repaired, various details legible including the letters EDW..........., and the small lion or leopard between the King's legs on the obverse side, the King seated in majesty on a bench-like throne, carrying two rods or sceptres, one of which remains topped with a fleur-de-lys device. The reverse of the seal, and the dorse of the document inaccessible inside its modern argon-filled display cabinet. Recorded in photographs, the endorsements: Magna Carta (s.xvi/xvii); 25 E(dward) I (s.xvii) to the left on the dorse: Magna Carta 25 Ed(ward) I repeated on the right of the dorse; 1296 (?s.xvii); a nineteenth-century stamp mark of the Brudenell family motto En Grace Affie ('On grace depend') with the call number A.viii.6 written in pen at the centre and repeated in pencil at the foot of the dorse. On the outside of the fold, to the left of the seal tag, the word Buk', denoting that this was the exemplar of the charter sent into Buckinghamshire. On the fold to the right of the seal tag, the words tradatur Rogero Hodelyn de Neuport (c.1297): a unique detail, recording the proclamation of the charter within the county (see below p.XXX). In generally good to excellent condition, legible throughout save for a very few characters, but with some rubbing, damp staining and soiling. Two small and two slightly larger passages of damp damage obliterating letters along former folds on the left hand side of the document. A long vertical passage of damp staining to the right of the document reaching down to the fold, but without obliterating the text. Various smaller patches where the lettering has been rubbed or stained. A cross marked in the right hand margin (?s.xvii) next to the line of text recording the ruling that there be a single measure of grain throughout the realm. Provenance: since 1983 the property of the Perot Foundation, until recently deposited in the National Archives in Washington. Prior to 1983, certainly since the nineteenth century, probably since the seventeenth century, and perhaps since the fourteenth century, the property of the Brudenell family of Amersham Buckinghamshire and later of Deene Park Northamptonshire. In response to your inquiry, we are pleased to provide you with a general report of the condition of the property described above. Since we are not professional conservators or restorers, we urge you to consult with a restorer or conservator of your choice who will be better able to provide a detailed, professional report. Prospective buyers should inspect each lot to satisfy themselves as to condition and must understand that any statement made by Sotheby's is merely a subjective qualified opinion. NOTWITHSTANDING THIS REPORT OR ANY DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING CONDITION OF A LOT, ALL LOTS ARE OFFERED AND SOLD "AS IS" IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE CONDITIONS OF SALE PRINTED IN THE CATALOGUE.

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  • 2007-12-18
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The bay psalm book

The Whole Booke of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre. Whereunto is prefixed a discourse declaring not only the lawfullnes, but also the necessity of the heavenly Ordinance of singing Scripture Psalmes in the Churches of God. [epigraphs from Colossians and James]. Imprinted: [at Cambridge, Massachusetts, by Stephen Day,] 1640 4to (174 x 104 mm). collation: *–**2, A–V W X–Z Aa–Ll4 (-Ll4): 147 (of 148) leaves (lacking errata); 37 sheets. The signing of the sheets betrays the printer's inexperience: both V and W were used as signatures and the first two sheets, A–B, were fully signed (e.g. A, A2, A3, A4); from C onward to the end, and including the two preliminary gatherings presumably printed last, the standard signing of the first 3 of 4 leaves was used, with errors: K3 signed K; R2 unsigned; S2 unsigned; Dd1 signed D; Gg2 signed Gg3 (note: S2 is not signed because the signature line is entirely occupied by text, so there was no room to set the signature and catchword. Similarly, K1r and N2r have the last line of text, signature, and catchword all set on the same line.) Sheet D inverted in reiteration and so printed (see below). Kk1.4 bound in reverse, possibly during 1850 rebinding. Standard page: 31 lines + headline + signature line. Principal text type is 95 English Roman. All errata, save one, are corrected by a contemporary hand. Additionally, the first verse of Psalm 100 (Z4v) has a contemporary manuscript emendation. Binding: Mid-nineteenth-century black morocco over bevelled boards, probably Bostonian, the covers panelled in blind, spine in six compartments, gilt-lettered psalmes in the second and imprinted | 1640 in the sixth, marbled endpapers, gilt edges, corners bumped, joints and hinges repaired. A pencilled note on the verso of the front free endpaper by Samuel T. Armstrong, a deacon of Old South Church, records that "This book was bound at the cost of Mr. Ed. Crowninshield and given in Exchange for no. 259 in the [1847] Catalogue. Jan. 1850." Provenance: Stephen Northup (d. 1687) of North Kingston, Rhode Island (notations on title-page verso) — Old South Church in Boston, possibly acquired by Joseph Sewall. Item 112 in the 1847 Prince Library catalogue and with shelf-mark 10.4.11. Condition: Title-page lightly silked on verso with minor marginal loss just touching ornamental border; *2–3 reinforced at inner margin; **4 repaired at inner margin, with small loss to lower fore-edge corner, and silked on blank verso; K1 with tiny loss at lower margin; W3v–W4r with small ink blot; Kk4 with 3 tiny holes costing bits of 4 letters; Ll3 shaved close at fore-edge verso just touching verse numbers; Ll3 with loss at lower fore-edge corner costing about 6 words; some browning throughout, occasional minor marginal chips or tears, a few tiny scattered ink-holes. The 1640 Cambridge, Massachusetts, Whole Booke of Psalmes, or “Bay Psalm Book”: the first book printed in British America, the first book written in British America, and the first book printed in English in the New World. The Bay Psalm Book is a religious and cultural manifesto of the Puritan Fathers and a towering icon of the founding of the United States. Of an edition of 1,700 copies, just 11 copies survive, of which this is one of only 6 that retain their original title-page. This is the first copy of America’s first book to appear at auction since 1947—when it set a record for the price of a printed book—and only the second since 1894. THE STORY OF THE BAY PSALM BOOK The Puritan Background The Puritan translation and printing of The Whole Booke of Psalmes was not simply coincident with the founding of America—in a very real way it was the founding of America. Puritanism began, in the phrase of Francis J. Bremer, as a movement to reform the English Reformation, and it counted among its basic tenets—in addition to its members leading devotional individual and community lives—removing remnants of Roman Catholic teaching and ceremony from the Church of England, making the holy scriptures available in the vernacular languages of worshippers, and supplying every parish pulpit with a university-educated preacher. The ascension of Charles I with his French Catholic bride in 1625—and the rigid enforcement of Anglican orthodox practices by William Laud, Bishop of London and from 1633 Archbishop of Canterbury—exacerbated the division between the Puritans and the hierarchy of the national church, and many Puritans saw emigration as the only way they could continue to live and worship in their chosen manner. Following the lead of John Winthrop’s eleven-vessel fleet that in the spring and summer of 1630 carried some 700 passengers to New England, between 1630 and 1640 about 20,000 English emigrants settled in the recently chartered Massachusetts Bay Colony. (During this “Great Migration,” a like number of Puritans emigrated from England to three other, variously welcoming destinations: the Netherlands, Ireland, and the West Indies, Barbados in particular.) But the Puritans sailed to the New World seeking not just to survive, but to flourish. John Winthrop’s shipboard sermon, “A Modell of Christian Charity,” has lost little of its inspirational authority over the succeeding centuries. In order to accomplish their goals, Winthrop advised his flock, the Puritans had only to “follow the counsel of Micah, to do justly, to love mercy, to walk humbly with our God. For this end, we must be knit together, in this work, as one man. We must entertain each other in brotherly affection. We must be willing to abridge ourselves of our superfluities, for the supply of others’ necessities. We must uphold a familiar commerce together in all meekness, gentleness, patience and liberality. We must delight in each other; make others’ conditions our own; rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together, always having before our eyes our commission and community in the work, as members of the same body. … [M]en shall say of succeeding plantations, ‘may the Lord make it like that of New England.’ For we must consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us.” It is in this context—one of deliberation and intentionality—that the creation and printing of the Bay Psalm Book must be seen. Singing (& Translating) the Psalms One of the fundamental innovations of the Reformation was the introduction of psalm-singing by the entire congregation rather than just by a designated choir. Puritans, like most Protestant congregations, embraced the singing of psalms as part of their worship service. The founders of the Reformation, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Myles Coverdale, all wrote metrical translations or paraphrases of the Psalms, the most celebrated being Luther’s version of Psalm 46, “Ein Feste Burg ist unser Gott” (“A Mighty Fortress is Our God”). Of course, the Massachusetts Bay Puritans had psalters in England, and they undoubtedly carried to the New World both Henry Ainsworth’s version of the Psalms in prose and meter and the poetical paraphrases of Thomas Sternhold and John Hopkins. But there were political, or denominational, issues with both of these standard works that probably contributed to their not being officially adopted by the Cambridge congregation. Sternhold and Hopkins’s Book of Psalmes was essentially the authorized psalter of the Church of England, with some 200 issues passing through the press from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century. The Sternhold and Hopkins text was frequently appended to editions of the Geneva Bible and the Book of Common Prayer, a circumstance acknowledged in the preface to the Bay Psalm Book: “wee have cause to blesse God in many respects for the religious indeavours of the translaters of the psalms into meetre usually annexed to our Bibles.” But while the Puritans were not Separatists, they were Nonconformists, and they had left England not in order to replicate the Church of England but to reform it. They may have esteemed Sternhold and Hopkins’s “indeavours,” but they did not want to use them in their worship. Henry Ainsworth, an English minister and scholar, had been allied with the Puritans, but he eventually became a Separatist and settled in Amsterdam in 1593. There he pastored an English expatriate church and translated and had printed The Book of Psalmes: Englished both in Prose and Metre with Annotations (1612), copies of which landed at Plymouth Rock with the Pilgrims in 1620. Adopting Ainsworth’s Book of Psalmes would inevitably link the Puritans with the Separatist Pilgrims; moreover, the Bay Psalm Book preface mentions that there were objections to the “difficulty” of Ainsworth’s tunes. But overriding these parochial concerns, the ministers, if not the congregants, of Massachusetts Bay found many shortcomings in the standard metrical translations of the Psalms, as the preface details: “it is not unknowne to the godly learned that they have rather presented a paraphrase then the words of David translated according to the rule 2 chron. 29. 30. and that their addition to the words, detractions from the words are not seldome and rare, but very frequent and many times needles[s], (which we suppose would not be approved of if the psalmes were so translated into prose) and that their variations of the sense, and alterations of the sacred text too frequently, may iustly minister matter of offence to them that are able to compare the translation with the text. …” (Note: the “rule” in II Chronicles 29:30 reads, “Moreover Hezekiah the king and the princes commanded the Levites to sing praise unto the Lord with the words of David, and of Asaph the seer”; KJV.) Cotton Mather’s 1702 colonial history, Magnalia Christi Americana, provides a concise and, perhaps, somewhat more comprehensible synopsis of the Puritans’ position: “Tho’ they blessed God for the Religious Endeavors of them who translated the Psalms into the Meetre usually annex’d at the End of the Bible, yet they beheld in the Translation so many Detractions from, Additions to, and Variations of, not only the Text, but the very Sense of the Psalmist, that it was an Offence unto them.” And, so, as early as 1636 the New England Puritans were discussing the need for a translation that would more exactly express the Hebrew original, and the “chief divines” of Massachusetts Bay (to use Cotton Mather’s phrase) determined to produce their own metrical translation of the Psalms. The resulting text, The Whole Booke of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre, was the work of several hands representing the intellectual genius of colonial New England. John Cotton, Richard Mather, Thomas Welde, John Eliot, John Wilson, and Peter Bulkeley were likely the principal authors, but others among the “thirty pious and learned Ministers” that Mather counted then in Massachusetts Bay may have contributed as well. Moreover, John Josselyn’s Account of Two Voyages to New England (London, 1674) records that when he visited Boston in June 1638, he carried to John Cotton “from Mr. Francis Quarles the poet, the Translation of the 16, 25, 51, 88, 113, and 137. Psalms into English Meeter, for his approbation,” and Cotton may have adapted some of these for the Bay Psalm Book. The Psalms are prefaced by, as the title-page has it, “a discourse declaring not only the lawfullnes, but also the necessity of the heavenly Ordinance of singing Scripture Psalmes in the Churches of God.” The preface, like the translation of the psalms, may have been a collaborative effort, but the surviving manuscript is in the hand of John Cotton. (No manuscripts of the metrical psalms themselves are known.) The preface to the Bay Psalm Book is a remarkable statement of purpose. It explicates the Puritans’ reasons for favoring scriptural psalms, particularly those of David, over psalms and hymns of more modern composition; for supporting the translation of the Hebrew psalms into English poetry; and for having the psalms sung during worship not by a choir or soloist, but “by the whole churches together with their voices.” Despite the Puritans’ insistence on congregational singing (contrasted with what the preface describes as “one man singing alone and the rest joyning in silence, & in the close saying amen”), the 1640 Whole Booke of Psalmes does not contain any musical notation. While the inclusion of music, in either metal or wood type, would have complicated the printer’s task, the real reason notation is absent is that it was neither expected nor necessary. In fact, not until the putative ninth edition of 1698, printed in Boston by Bartholomew Green and John Allen, was the Bay Psalm Book printed with music. Instead of specific musical notation, the first edition of the Bay Psalm Book appends to the end of the text proper a brief “admonition to the Reader,” that explains that “The verses of these psalmes may be reduced to six kindes, the first wherof may be sung in very neere fourty common tunes; as they are collected, out of our chief musicians, by Tho. Ravenscroft.” In 1621, the English musicologist Thomas Ravenscroft published an expanded edition of Sternhold and Hopkins’s psalter under the title The Whole Booke of Psalmes, with the Hymnes Evangel­li­cal, and Songs Spir­it­u­all. Co­mposed in­to 4. Parts by Sun­dry Au­thors, with such sev­er­al Tunes as have beene, and are usu­al­ly sung in Eng­land, Scot­land, Wales, Ger­ma­ny, Ita­ly, France, and the Ne­ther­lands: Nev­er as yet before in one Vol­ume pub­lished. Ravenscroft himself wrote about half of the more than one hundred tunes featured in his compilation, and most Puritan congregants would have been familiar with the most popular of them. The “six kindes” of verses mentioned in the Admonition are distinguished by their metrical length. The first kind of verse referred to—those that could be sung to “neere fourty” tunes—is “common meter”: alternating lines of eight and six syllables. The third kind is “long meter,” in which all lines (usually in quatrains) are of eight syllables. The other four kinds of verses are to be sung to tunes for other, less common metrical schemes: quatrains of eight, eight, six, and eight syllables; alternating quatrains of six and four syllables; six lines of eight syllables; and eight lines of eight syllables. Most psalms could have been sung to a variety of tunes that would be well known to the worshippers. In the case of six psalms—51, 85, 100, 117, 133, 138—the Massachusetts Bay translators provided versions in both long and common meters, introducing the alternative translation as “Another of the same.” Thus the first two verses of Psalm 100 are given in long meter as Make yee a joyfull sounding noyse unto Iehovah, all the earth: 2        Serve yee Iehovah with gladnes: before his presence come with mirth. In the second, common-meter translation these lines run Make yee a joyfull noyse unto Iehovah all the earth: 2        Serve yee Iehovah with gladnes: before him come with mirth. John Cotton and his collaborators also use the preface to explain the method and purpose of their new translation. While the translators assume that “no protestant doubteth but that all the bookes of the scripture should by Gods ordinance be extant in the mother tongue of each nation, that they may be understood of all, hence the psalmes are to be translated into our english tongue,” they also argue that “as all our english songs … do run in metre, soe ought Davids psalmes to be translated into meeter. …” But they caution worshippers not to think “that for the meetre sake wee have taken liberty or poeticall licence to depart from the true and proper sence of Davids words in the hebrew verses, noe; but it hath been one part of our religious care and faithfull indeavor, to keepe close to the original text.” (One simple but significant way the Bay Psalm Book kept close to the original text was by dividing the Psalms into five books, as in the Hebrew original—and as Sternhold and Hopkins, for example, did not.) Four very particular principles of their “plaine and familiar translation of the psalmes and words of David” are detailed—and Cotton is at pains to explain that the New England Whole Booke of Psalmes is a translation, not a presumptuous “paraphrase to give the sense of his meaning in other words.” First, the Bay Psalm translators shunned additions, except when unavoidable even in prose translation. Second, they adopted—in the manner of English-language Bibles—English idioms rather than Hebrew ones, “lest they might seeme english barbarismes.” Third, they allowed themselves on occasion to contract or expand “the same hebrew word, both for the sense and the verse sake”: “as when wee dilate who healeth and say he it is who healeth; so when wee contract those that stand in awe of God and say Gods fearers.” Finally, in cases where a single Hebrew word cannot be adequately translated by a single English word, they have translated not just the word but what they deem as the “more full and emphaticall signification” of it, giving as examples “mighty God, for God”; “humbly blesse for blesse”; and “truth and faithfulnes for truth.” The final paragraph of the preface provides an eloquent and convincing justification of the resulting translation: “If therefore the verses are not alwayes so smooth and elegant as some may desire or expect; let them consider that Gods Altar needs not our pollishings: Ex. 20. for wee have respected rather a plaine translation, then to smooth our verses with the sweetnes of any paraphrase, and soe have attended Conscience rather then Elegance, fidelity rather then poetry in translating the hebrew words into english language, and Davids poetry into english meetre. …” Some of the translations in the Bay Psalm Book are undeniably awkward, but the full work does not merit much of the modern criticism that has been leveled against it. The translation certainly affords examples of psalms that are rendered intelligible but graceless, as for instance, Psalm 2: Why rage the Heathen furiously? muse vaine things people do; 2        Kings of the earth doe set themselves, Princes consult also: with one consent against the Lord, and his anoynted one. 3        Let us asunder break their bands, their cords bee from us throwne. 4        Who sits in heav'n shall laugh; the lord will mock them; then will he 5        Speak to them in his ire, and wrath: and vex them suddenlie. 6        But I annoynted have my King upon my holy hill 7        of Zion: The established counsell declare I will. God spake to me, thou art my Son: this day I thee begot. 8        Aske thou of me, and I will give the Heathen for thy lot: and of the earth thou shalt possesse the utmost coasts abroad. 9        thou shalt them break as Potters sherds and crush with yron rod. 10      And now yee Kings be wise, be learn’d yee Iudges of th’earth (Heare.) 11      Serve yee the lord with reverence, rejoyce in him with feare. 12      Kisse yee the Sonne, lest he be wroth, and yee fall in the way. when his wrath quickly burnes, oh blest are all that on him stay. But there are also psalms that are presented as emotive and appealing lyrics. The twenty-third Psalm, despite its familiarity in other versions, is here a poetic prayer that can stand comfortably with most seventeenth-century Colonial American verse:           The Lord to mee a shepheard is, want therefore shall not I, 2        Hee in the folds of tender-grasse, doth cause mee downe to lie: To waters calme me gently leads 3        Restore my soule doth hee: he doth in paths of righteousnes: for his names sake leade mee. 4        Yea though in valley of deaths shade I walk, none ill I’le feare: because thou art with mee, thy rod, and staffe my comfort are. 5        For mee a table thou hast spread, in presence of my foes: thou dost annoynt my head with oyle, my cup it over-flowes. 6        Goodnes & mercy surely shall all my dayes follow mee: and in the Lords house I shall dwell so long as dayes shall bee. (It is worth noting that the Bay Psalm Book’s translations of psalms 19, 23, and 107 are anthologized in the Library of America’s volume of American Poetry: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. David S. Shields, 2007.) David Daniell, writing in The Bible in English, gives perhaps the fairest and most judicious recent assessment of the literary achievement of the 1640 Cambridge Whole Booke of Psalmes. While not blind to the shortcomings of some of the translations—indeed, he deems selected passages “not even passable poetry in English,” “nearly gibberish,” and “hardly verse”—Daniell acknowledges that many other contemporary metrical translations contained deficient, if not nonsensical, sections as well. Daniell further notes that “the very form itself, of Psalms intended to be sung in metre, invites a certain ruggedness. … The principles of Hebrew poetry were not yet fully understood in the West in 1640: those translators of Bay Psalms who did their best with the Hebrew still had to struggle with a fairly baffling original form, never mind the difficulty of getting it all into singable short verses in English, to be taken line by line by, or for, a congregation. Though tempting, it is quite wrong to bring to these verses high criteria of what lyric poetry should be. … There is no reason not to relish the bad lines: but what should be appraised is the religious energy that made the ‘first book printed in America’ … a book of congregational Psalms.” Printing the Bay Psalm Book But it is as a book and not as a text, that the Bay Psalm Book is best known, celebrated, and revered. And while the faithful translation into English meter of The Whole Booke of Psalmes could be accomplished with men and materials already in Massachusetts Bay Colony, its printing required the importation of both. The Reverend Jose Glover was a Puritan from a wealthy family of London merchants with interests in the West Indies. When the Massachusetts Bay Company was charted in 1628, Glover, like his brothers, subscribed for £50 of its capital stock, just as they had supported earlier colonizing efforts. In 1636, Glover resigned his pulpit in Surrey rather than read from it—as was required by Archbishop Laud—a decree allowing “lawful recreation” after Sunday worship service. Two years later, Glover had determined to settle in Massachusetts Bay, and in the summer of 1638 he secured passage for his family on the ship John of London. In addition to his wife and five children, servants, and household furnishings, Glover sailed with a printing press valued at £20; 240 reams of paper worth £60; and a case of assorted type. It was the inclusion of these stores among the vessel’s cargo that led Samuel Eliot Morison to call the John of London “the publishing fraternity’s Mayflower.” Glover also had under his custody on the John of London one Stephen Day, a locksmith by trade, who was indentured to the Glovers and who himself was accompanied by his wife, children, and servants. But the father of the American press was fated to beget a posthumous child: the Reverend Glover died during the voyage to Boston Harbor. Undeterred, Glover’s widow, Elizabeth, established the press at Cambridge by the end of 1638. Stephen Day—perhaps assisted by his eighteen-year-old son Matthew, who may have been apprenticed as a printer in London—acted as compositor and pressman. The press was probably set up at the house that Mrs. Glover had purchased for Day on Crooked Lane, now 15 Holyoke Street. A somewhat cryptic memorandum of uncertain date (but evidently before 1654 or 1655) copied into Harvard’s College Book III records that “Some Gentlemen of Amsterdam gave towards the furnishing of a Printing-Press with Letters … fourty nine pound & something more,” but there is no reason to think this is any more accurate than the preceding entry, which states “Mr Joss: Glover gave to the Colledge a ffount of printing Letters.” It seems more likely that Glover intended to found his own independent printing shop, perhaps as a form of ministry. (Three years after fulfilling her late husband’s vision, the widow Glover would marry Henry Dunster, the first president of Harvard College, and after Elizabeth’s death in 1643, Glover’s press and type—the latter perhaps only briefly—did find their way to Harvard.) The press seems to have excited a good bit of local interest, perhaps because it was seen as legitimizing the cultural aspirations of Bay colonists. On 7 September 1638, the Reverend Edmund Browne wrote to a colleague in England, “We have a Cambridge here, a college erecting, youth lectured, a library, and I suppose there will be a presse this winter.” Within three months, the press had arrived in Cambridge, as attested by letter from Hugh Peter, 10 December 1638, to Patrick Copland in Bermuda: “We have a printery here and thinke to goe to worke with some special things. …” In short order, the Cambridge, Massachusetts, press was in operation. In a journal entry for March 1639, John Winthrop noted “A printing house was begun at Cambridge by one Daye, at the charge of Mr. Glover, who died on seas hitherward. The first thing which was printed was the freeman’s oath; the next was an almanack made for New England by Mr. William Peirce Mariner [master of one of the ships of the Winthrop fleet]; the next was the Psalms newly turned into metre.” The Freeman’s Oath had to be sworn to by any man twenty years of age, and six months a householder, wanting to become a citizen of the Massachusetts Bay Colony and thus be eligible to hold office and vote in elections. Stephen Day’s edition of the oath was likely imposed as a small handbill, and although the printing historian Hugh Amory speculated that as many as 2,000 copies were printed, no copies are known to survive. The text of the Oath, however, is preserved by later printings—notably its inclusion in John Childs’s 1647 New-Englands Jonas Cast Up at London, from which Mark Hoffman took the text for his notorious forgery. About William Peirce’s almanac—no copies of which, authentic or forged, are recorded—nothing is known, including its format, text, or the size of the edition. It is worth noting that not only is there no evidence to corroborate Winthrop’s recollection of the mariner’s almanac, the reference to it in his holograph journal is crossed out. About “the Psalms newly turned into metre” much is known. The edition was substantial, about 1,700 copies, a number that can be extrapolated from the documentary evidence of a suit brought against Henry Dunster by the heirs of Jose and Elizabeth Glover in 1656. After Elizabeth’s death in 1643, Dunster ran the press for six years. In 1649 he leased it to Samuel Green, and when he retired from the presidency of Harvard in 1654, he sold the press to the college. This last action seems to have prompted the Glover children to seek the return of what they considered their property, as well as an accounting of Dunster’s printing activity. (Dunster was ordered by the Middlesex Court to make restitution in the amount of £117, about half of which was accounted for by the press and that portion of the Glovers’ paper stock remaining at the time of Dunster’s marriage to Elizabeth.) The Stephen Day-Samuel Green accounts, published in Hugh Amory’s First Impressions, indicate that The Whole Booke of Psalmes was printed on 37 sheets of paper and that 130 reams were consumed by the edition. Since each ream was comprised of 480 sheets, the number of copies printed can be easily calculated. The reams of paper carried to Boston with the rest of the printing equipment acquired by Jose Glover were typical of the paper used by dozens of London printers in hundreds of publications of the later 1630s. The great majority of the paper used by the London shops, and thus the paper commonly supplied by English paper merchants, was imported from Norman and Breton paper mills, in the small size usually called Pott, with sheet dimensions of approximately 30 × 40 cm. Pots were a common watermark type for this size, but various mills used also other watermarks, one of the most common being a depiction of two columns, with the papermaker’s initials in a banderole between them and a surmount of a grape cluster. In the English paper trade this was called Pillar paper, and Edward Heawood’s Watermarks, Mainly of the 17th and 18th Centuries provides a good conspectus of these under the heading “Post or Pillar.” In this copy of the Bay Psalm Book there are two different Pillar stocks, one appearing in ten sheets, and quite close in type to Heawood’s no. 3506, which he traced from a copy of Wye Saltonstall’s English translation of Historia mundi: or Mercator’s Atlas, folio, printed in London by Thomas Cotes, 1635. There are at least seven different stocks of Pot-watermarked paper in the present copy, some with double handles and some with single, one of which is of the type of Heawood nos. 3626-3627. The 1649 Platform of Church Discipline (“Printed by S[amuel] G[reen] at Cambridge in New England … 1649”, 4to) was also printed on a mixture of Pot- and Pillar-watermarked papers, which may have represented the last remainder of Glover’s original paper stock. The type of the Bay Psalm Book, unlike the paper, was of English manufacture. The text type is a 95 English Roman (i.e., 20 lines of text type measure 95 mm), but an 83 Pica and a 53 Brevier appear as well, as do larger display capitals, a Hebrew font, a very few printer’s ornaments, and various other sorts. Writing in his History of Printing in America (1810), Isaiah Thomas described the type as “Roman, of the size of small bodied English, entirely new, and may be called a very good letter.” The type was not new, however. Some of the pieces are visibly worn, and Amory speculates that “Glover surreptitiously obtained his type from the stock of a sympathetic printer like [the Puritan William] Jones, and not directly from one of the four licensed English founders, who were much more strictly supervised.” This would also help explain some of the deficiencies in Day’s type-case: italics seem to be in short supply and he evidently had no apostrophes at all, having to set inverted commas in their stead. In addition, some of the Hebrew characters appear to have been cut in wood, perhaps necessitated by missing sorts. Whether metal or wood, the Hebrew letters in the Bay Psalm Book represented the first Hebrew printing in the New World. Day imposed The Whole Booke of Psalmes as a quarto, although an octavo format would have been much more efficient. (Amory calculates that printing the book as an octavo would have saved more than half the paper that was used.) But an octavo imposition is much more complicated, with eight pages (rather than four) having to be set for the outer and inner forme of each sheet. In addition, Day’s principal text type, the 95 English Roman, was not well suited to the smaller format. Stephen Day is remembered as America’s first printer, but not as an accomplished one. His lack of experience, coupled with an extreme idiosyncrasy in spelling, produced a book that, in the words of George Parker Winship, “looks the part that the fates assigned it to play. It has every appearance of being an effort of beginners on a remote frontier.” (One example of Day’s inexact orthography is found in the preface where two successive paragraphs include the spellings “metre,” “meeter,” and “meetre.”) The faults of the book are as obvious as they are understandable, and Isaiah Thomas summarized them 200 years ago: The Bay Psalm Book “abounds with typographical errors. … This specimen of Daye’s printing does not exhibit the appearance of good workmanship. The compositor must have been wholly unacquainted with punctuation. ‘The Preface,’ is the running title to that part of the work. ‘The.’ with a period, is on the left hand page, and ‘Preface.’ on the right. Periods are often omitted where they should be placed, and not seldom used where a comma only was necessary. Words of one syllable, at the end of lines, are sometimes divided by a hyphen; at other times, those of two, or more syllables, are divided without one; the spelling is bad and irregular. One thing is very singular—at the head of every left hand page throughout the work, 'PSALM' is spelled as it should be; at the head of every right hand page, it has an E final, thus, 'PSALME.'" Long as Thomas’s litany of Day’s eccentricities is, it can be expanded. Day not infrequently set catchwords to correspond with the running-head rather than with the first word of the text. He sometimes used the running-head as the caption-title for a psalm beginning a new page. He freely substituted wrong-font italic capitals for the appropriate roman correspondents. He employed ligatured sorts indifferently with non-ligatured ones. He inked the type unevenly, and occasionally entire lines are printed in blind. He did not clean his type well between pulls, and there is ample evidence of dirty or ink-clotted type, and occasionally of pulled letters. The ink, a compound of lampblack and varnish, was presumably made by Day. One significant error undoubtedly demonstrates Day’s inexperience. In the present copy, and in the copy given by Middlecott Cooke to Harvard, sheet D was turned upside down in reiteration. The outer forme is printed correctly, but the inner is inverted, so that D1r is backed by D3v, D2v is fronted by D4r, D3r is backed by D1v, and D4v is fronted by D2r. While this is a printer’s error and not an issue point, it is certainly likely to have occurred early in the press run and not to have affected many copies. Hugh Amory was the first to publish this mistake, but his melodramatic description seems overwrought, particularly when contrasted with the reaction of the first (or at least early) owner of the present copy. While Amory imagines a “disaster” analogous to a computer crash “erasing hours of toil,” the staid seventeenth-century reader, recognizing that nothing was lost or erased, simply made a few concise annotations indicating how the printer’s mistake could be corrected: thus, “miss 2 leaves” at the foot of D1r and D4r and “Turn back a leafe” on D3r and D2r. Day acknowledged that his printing included mistakes by including a highly selective list of errata, headed “Faults escaped in printing,” on the recto of the final leaf of The Whole Booke of Psalmes. While he cites only seven faults specifically, Day recognized that there were inevitably more than that, directing the reader that “The rest, which have escaped through oversight, you may amend, as you finde them obvious.” The seven errors he does list are an odd lot. The first seems extraordinarily exacting, considering the standard of spelling throughout the volume: Day instructs that in Psalm 9, verse 9, the word “oprest” should be corrected to “opprest.” Other of the faults are more substantive: in Psalm 21, verse 8, the inaccurate reading “the Lord” is to be replaced by “thine hand,” and in Psalm 143, verse 6, “moreover I” is to be substituted for the erroneous “I even I.” But the proofreading of the Bay Psalm Book was arbitrary at best. Psalms 9 and 18 both have two errata noted, but no faults at all are pointed out between psalms 21 and 143. One of the errors cited in the “Faults escaped” is that in verse 29 of Psalm 18 the word “thee” appears as “the.” But this is a mistake that appears, unremarked, elsewhere in the book, including in the first verse of Psalm 9—the facing page of which contains two of the seven printing errors noted in the errata. In this copy, all of the mistakes pointed out by the printer, save one, have been neatly corrected by an early reader. There are press corrections in the Bay Psalm Book as well, some certainly the work of Day himself, but at least one reveals the hand of one of the “learned Ministers.” Verse 23 of Psalm 69 reads in the present copy, “And let their eyes be darkened / that they may never see: / with trembling also make their loynes / to shake continuallie.” This reading is found in all extant copies save the one remaining in the collection of the Old South Church in Boston, where the final two lines are set as “their loynes also with trembleing / to shake continuallee.” Because of the imbalance of the surviving versions—and because the common reading is a better parallel to the preceding line “And let their eyes be darkened”—this emendation must have been made very early in the press run. Since he was known as a locksmith, and because his few surviving holographs show him to be poorly lettered, Stephen Day has frequently been pushed aside by historians who suppose it more probable that it was Matthew Day who actually first operated the Cambridge press. But contemporary documentation supports Stephen. In December 1641, the General Court granted the elder Day “300 acres of land where it may be convenient, without prejudice to any towne” in consideration for his “being the first that set upon printing.” This grant was reconfirmed in 1655 “for Recompence of his Care and Charg in furthering the worke of Printing.” And there is also his own testimony from a suit he brought against Henry Dunster in Middlesex Court in 1656 seeking £100 for his “Labour and Expences about the printing presse and the utensils and appurtenances thereof, and the mannaging the said worke.” (The court found for the defendant and Day was ordered to pay costs.) Matthew Day did succeed his father as printer at the Cambridge press in 1643, likely at Dunster’s insistence. And the quality of the printing was improved. The output of the press became even more artful when Samuel Green took over the shop about 1649. It is inconceivable that Stephen Day could have managed—at all, let alone elegantly—the composition and printing of Mamusse wunneetupanatamwe up-Biblum God, John Eliot’s Indian Bible, which Green so successfully managed with the assistance of Marmaduke Johnson and James Printer. But Stephen Day was the first, and if he was a locksmith by trade rather than a printer, then the magnitude of his accomplishment ought to be enhanced rather than diminished. His edition of The Whole Booke of Psalmes is not just a book; it is a sacred relic of America’s founding and a touchstone of America’s material and intellectual culture. In no other country has the product of the hand printing press had the historical impact that it did in the United States, from John Peter Zenger’s New-York Weekly Journal to Benjamin Franklin’s Poor Richard’s; and from Thomas Paine’s Common Sense to John Dunlap’s broadside of the Declaration of Independence to his publication of the Constitution in the Pennsylvania Packet. And these all had as their progenitor Stephen Day’s imperfect, yet somehow irreproachable, printing of the Bay Psalm Book. Stephen Day merits gratitude and commendation, and he deserves the encomium that Walt Whitman offered more than two centuries later to others, who like Day, left the past behind to seize “a newer, mightier world, varied world, … world of labor and the march”: Pioneer! O pioneer! The Reception and Continued Significance of the Bay Psalm Book If later readers freely found fault with the translations in the Bay Psalm Book, many contemporary readers fully embraced it. The volume was sold for twenty pence, and the 1640 edition was immediately adopted by nearly every congregation in the southern part of Massachusetts Bay—hence the volume’s familiar name. Still, an edition of 1,700 copies was very large for the population of the colony—which has been estimated to be about 3,500 families totaling between 15,000 and 20,000 individuals. And some colonists, notably the Pilgrims who had settled around Plymouth, did not adopt the Cambridge Whole Booke of Psalmes. It is likely, then, that some copies were sent to England—perhaps surreptitiously, since the book violated the Stationers’ Company’s patent. Portions of the Bay Psalm Book preface were included in Nathanael Homes’s survey of Gospel Musick (London, 1644), and the work of the “chief divines” of New England was first reprinted in an authorized London edition of 1647. Of that large first edition of 1640, just eleven copies are known to have survived, five of which lack their title-pages—further evidence of the popularity of the work. The Bay Psalm Book was intended as a utilitarian book for the common people (in a way that the Gutenberg Bible surely was not), and copies were subjected to hard and constant use. A second American edition was issued in 1651, revised by Henry Dunster and Richard Lyon, partly because, according to Increase Mather’s Magnalia, “It was thought that a little more of Art was to be employed upon the verses.” Wilberforce Eames identified more than fifty additional editions of the Bay Psalms, which continued to be printed into the second half of the eighteenth century in New England, England, and Scotland. The scholars and ministers  of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, who, according to their preface, had “attended Conscience rather then Elegance, fidelity rather then poetry, in translating the hebrew words into english language,” created a work that would shape the religious and social life of the new nation. They created a work that is as much an icon of the founding of America as Plymouth Rock—and nearly as durable. They also created a new center of publishing: by 1700, Boston had surpassed Oxford and Cambridge to become the second most active publishing center of English-language books in the world, behind only London. Thomas Prince and the Book Collections of the Old South Church in Boston The Puritans were a bookish people. Printing was one of the first commercial enterprises of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. So it is no surprise that the Old South Church, established in 1669, quickly became one of the chief repositories of historical and theological books in New England. Of course, the first books in the Church’s library would not have been collected as artifacts; they would simply have been part of the “furniture and fixtures” of an active congregation. One explanation—perhaps the only plausible explanation—for the Old South’s having at one time five copies of the Bay Psalm Book is that several of them were probably there since the beginning, as utilitarian hymnals of founding members. The Church also undoubtedly made an effort to stay current with the published sermons and other pamphlets of the principal Congregationalist ministers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including the prolific Mather family. Bequests of various sizes also helped to fill the shelves of the Old South’s steeple chamber. During the first half of the eighteenth century, the book collecting of the Old South Church became a bit more systematic and scholarly. This was due to the conjunction of two remarkable co-ministers, the Reverends Thomas Prince and Joseph Sewall. From 1713 through 1769, one or both of these men filled the pulpit at Old South, and each left a legacy not only of ministry, but also of bibliography. At his death in 1758, Thomas Prince bequeathed to the Church his self-designated “New-England Library,” which likely included two copies of the Bay Psalm Book. (Prince has popularly been credited with having collected all five copies of the 1640 Whole Booke of Psalmes once belonging to Old South, but this is certainly not the case.) Sewall survived Prince by eleven years, and a major portion of his library was also left to the Church. Thomas Prince (1687–1758) grew up with access to the library of his grandfather, Thomas Hinckley, the last governor of Plymouth Colony, and he early developed an appreciation of books. In addition to printed books, the young Prince learned the importance of preserving manuscripts and ephemera, much of which he utilized in compiling his Chronological History of New-England in the Form of Annals (Boston, 1736). Prince had begun his New-England Library shortly after entering Harvard in 1703; he wrote in the preface to his Chronological History that his passion for collecting was inspired when he “chanced in my leisure Hours to read Mr. Chamberlain's Account of the Cottonian Library: Which excited in me a Zeal of laying hold on every Book, Pamphlet, and Paper, both in Print and Manuscript which are either written by persons who lived here, or that have any Tendency to enlighten our History.” Following his graduation from Harvard, Prince travelled through the West Indies and Europe for two years before settling in England. During this period, and until his return to Massachusetts in 1717, he gathered a sizeable theological library, which he augmented with the works of many of his colonial contemporaries, particularly the Mathers, with whom he was closely associated. Prince had two distinct bookplates made, one for his New-England Library and the other denominated for his “South-Church-Library in Boston, Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince upon his being ordain’d their colleague Pastor with the Rev. Mr. Joseph Sewall, Oct. 1. 1718.” The 1640 Whole Booke of Psalmes, of course, united Prince’s two bibliographical interests. He can rightly be adjudged the Cardinal Mazarin of the Bay Psalm Book, being the first to promote, if not to recognize, the primacy of the work in American printing. His final bibliographical work was his own edition of the Bay Psalms, incorporated into The Psalms, Hymns, & Spiritual Songs of the Old and New Testament, faithfully translated into English Meter. Being the New-England Psalm-book, revised and improved, which was published in Boston by Henchman and Kneeland in 1758, just in time for selections to be read at his funeral. Following Prince’s death, His “books and papers,” according to the 1870 catalogue of the collection, “were deposited on shelves, and in boxes and barrels in a room in the steeple of the church, under the belfry, which according to tradition had been Prince's study. There this valuable deposit was left for many years without care, and subject to many vicissitudes. During the siege of Boston in 1775-6, the Church, being used as a riding-school by the British troops, was often frequented by idle spectators, who must have had access to the collection, and may be responsible for some of the loss it has sustained. In heating the building, it is known that the pulpit and pews were consumed, and the parsonage which stood adjoining and had been the mansion of Winthrop, the first governor of the Colony, was demolished to keep up the fires during the long winter.” Beginning in 1814, several attempts were made to compile a catalogue of the Library of the Old South Church. Perhaps because of his penchant for better organization, including having bookplates for many of his books, Prince’s fame in the nineteenth century had eclipsed that of the Rev. Sewall and others of his contemporaries. During this period, the term “Prince Library” came to be used as a convenient generic designation for all of the books belonging to the Old South Church, regardless of their individual provenances. Because of this imprecise nomenclature, hundreds of items never owned by Prince (including more than 250 volumes from the Sewall family alone) were included in the published inventories of the purported “Prince Library.” The 1846 Catalogue of the Library of Rev. Thomas Prince, former pastor of the Old South Church. Presented by Him to the Old South Church and Society provides an example of the inexact treatment of the books in the Church’s library. Five copies of the Bay Psalm Book are noted, but under four different headings. Four copies are cited in Part I of the catalogue, devoted to the “Chiefly Religious” works: no. 112, placed with the quartos, is described as “The Whole Book of Psalms, translated into English metre, (imperfect.) 1640.” No. 259, among the duodecimos, is catalogued as “The whole Book of Psalms, translated into English metre. 1640. (Perfect copy.).” No. 579 describes two further copies, shelved with the octavos: “The Psalms in English Metre, 1640. 2 copies—(one imperf.).” The fifth copy is catalogued as no. 132 in Part II, “Select Catalogue of Historical Works … in the Rooms of the Massachusetts Historical Society,” with the octavos, as “The Whole Book of Psalms, translated into English metre, 1640.” As the size and significance of the Old South’s library outgrew the Church’s ability to properly administer it, the deacons placed the Church’s books on deposit at the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1814. In 1866, the deacons transferred the deposit to the Boston Public Library, where the book collection of the Old South Church continues to be housed.

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WASHINGTON, GEORGE, President. UNITED STATES, First Congress, First Session. Acts passed at a Congress of the United States of America, : begun and he

WASHINGTON, GEORGE, President. UNITED STATES, First Congress, First Session. Acts passed at a Congress of the United States of America, : begun and held at the city of New-York, on Wednesday the fourth of March, in the year M,DCC,LXXXIX. and of the independence of the United States, the thirteenth. Being the acts passed at the First Session of the First Congress of the United States, to wit, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia; which eleven states respectively ratified the Constitution of Government for the United States, proposed by the Federal Convention, held in Philadelphia, on the seventeenth of September, one thousand eight hundred and seven. New York: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, Printers to the United States, [1789]. THE BIRTH OF AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT: PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON'S PERSONAL COPY OF THE CONSTITUTION, THE BILL OF RIGHTS AND OTHER KEY ACTS OF THE FIRST CONGRESS IN 1789 IN A SUPERB CONTEMPORARY BINDING, WITH WASHINGTON'S ARMORIAL BOOKPLATE AND HIS BOLD SIGNATURE ("GO: WASHINGTON") WITH WASHINGTON'S AUTOGRAPH MARGINALIA, HIGHLIGHTING THE DUTIES AND POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT Folio (305 x 190mm., 12 x 7½ in.). Collation: [A] B-C [D] E-Z2 Aa1 Bb-Dd2: 53 leaves. Various watermarks. (A number of quires evenly and lightly age-toned, due to varying paper stocks). BINDING: Contemporary polished tree calf, covers with thin Greek-key borders at edges; upper cover with rectangular green morocco label gilt-lettered PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; rounded spine gilt in six compartments with five raised bands; two compartments with red or green morocco gilt-lettered labels (LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES and FIRST SESSION 1789); the remaining four compartments with a gilt patera tool and four small hollow star tools; marbled endpapers, edges tinted pale yellow, BOUND BY THOMAS ALLEN OF NEW YORK (who bound identical copies for Thomas Jefferson and John Jay.) CONDITION: Very slight rubbing to corners, raised bands and spine extremities, surface abrasion in several places on covers, catching small bits of the Greek-key border, otherwise in fine condition. Blue morocco clamshell case. Washington's personal copy of the Constitution and proposed Bill of Rights does not carry Allen's printed binder's ticket. But the classical style of Thomas Allen's elegant binding is identical to that of copies owned by Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson and Chief Justice John Jay, strongly suggesting that Washington himself had a direct hand in their design. All three bindings employ polished calf, use a distinct Greek-key roll at the cover edges and bear a gilt-lettered rectangular morocco panel on the upper covers. Little is known of Allen, whose binder's ticket reads: "Bound by Thomas Allen, No. 16, Queen- Street, New York." When the first Congress was meeting in New York, Washington's presidential residence was a large home at Number 1 Cherry Street, on the corner of Queen Street (now Pearl Street); a short distance from Fraunces Tavern (at 54 Queen Street, where many governmental offices were housed) and Allen's shop and bindery. WASHINGTON'S ENGRAVED BOOKPLATE In addition to the large signature on the title page, Washington has pasted in to the front endpaper his engraved armorial bookplate, featuring the Washington family coat of arms ("Argent two bars Gules, in chief three mullets in fess of the second") a decorative escutcheon with Washington's name and the motto exitus acta probat ("the end justifies the deed"). This bookplate is no doubt one of a shipment ordered from England by Washington in December 1771, through his friend Robert Adam and the agent Robert Cary. The engraving was the work of a London engraver, S. Valliscure. He charged Washington 14 shillings for the plate and an additional six shillings for 300 prints from the plate, printed on good quality laid paper. Washington seems to have reserved these specially ordered bookplates for the more important books in his library. WASHINGTON'S MARGINALIA It is striking that Washington, the owner of an extensive library at Mount Vernon, added marginalia in only this and one other volume (a copy of James Madison, View of the Conduct of the Executive. Here, in this volume, he has added brackets and marginal notes in light but readable pencil. All appear in the text of the Constitution itself and all relate to the duties and prerogatives of the chief executive in the new government. -- At Article I, Section 7, Clause 2 (on page vi), Washington has written "President" in the margin and has added a long bracket alongside the passage detailing the process by which legislation originates in Congress and is then subject to the approval or veto of the president: "Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law." In a further section of Section 7, Clause 2 (on page vii), Washington has written "President" twice, next to a description of two additional methods by which laws may be enacted or rejected: "But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law." In addition, at Clause 3, President Washington brackets another block of text: "Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill." -- At Article II, Section 2 (on page ix) Washington has written "President" and "Powers" in the margin, and has bracketed Clauses 1, 2 and 3, each stipulating critical responsibilities of the chief executive. First, Washington brackets Clause 1: "the President shall be Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, except in cases of Impeachment." Clause 2, dealing with treaties and their ratification, and presidential powers of appointment is also bracketed by Washington: "He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors and other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law; but the Congress may by Law vest the appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments." Additionally, Clause 3 is bracketed: "The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session." At Article II, Section 3 (page ix), Washington has written "required" and bracketed text stipulating further duties of the chief executive. "He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and speedy; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the Officers of the United States." SELECT TABLE OF CONTENTS - Constitution of the United States, (pp. v-xii) - Resolution to the states regarding ratification of the Constitution (17 September 1787), (pp. xiii-xiv) - [Oath of allegiance] Act to regulate the Time and Manner of administering certain Oaths (the Presidential, Vice-Presidential and other oaths), (pp. 15-16) - An Act for establishing an Executive Department, to be denominated the Department of Foreign Affairs [renamed State Department in late 1789], (p. 21) - An Act to establish an Executive Department, to be denominated the Department of War (p. 46) - An Act to provide for the Government of the Territory North-West of the River Ohio (p. 47) - [Treasury Act] An Act to Establish the Treasury Department (pp. 62-64) - An Act to provide for the safe-keeping of the Acts, Records and Seal of the United States (pp. 65-67) - [Post-Office Act] An Act for the temporary Establishment of the Post-Office (p. 68) - [Congressional Salary Act] An Act for allowing Compensation to the Members of the Senate and House of Representatives (pp. 68-70) - An Act for allowing a Compensation to the President and Vice-President (p. 71) - [Supreme Court Judiciary Act] An Act to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States (pp. 72-85) - [Bill of Rights] Articles in Addition to, and Amendment of, the Constitution...ratified by the Legislatures of the Several States...[12 articles], pp. 92-93 THE MOUNT VERNON LIBRARY "There is little evidence that he ever read for the mere pleasure of it," writes Eugene Prussing, and due to the unrelenting demands of public service and the care and upkeep of the Mount Vernon plantation, Washington "had neither time nor much inclination...for general reading" (The Estate of George Washington, Deceased, Boston 1927, pp.138,142). Nevertheless, Washington's library at Mount Vernon at the time of his death was substantial, comprising between 800 and 1,000 books and hundreds of pamphlets. After Washington's death, an inventory of the library was prepared by Tobias Lear, Washington's private secretary, with a team of Virginia appraisers. Lear's inventory recorded (no.254) seven folio volumes under the title "Laws of the United States," valued at $28.00, and six octavo-format volumes, under the identical rubric (nos.267, 272 and 277), which were appraised for a total of $10.75. While the books subsumed in these cryptic entries may never be precisely identified, William Coolidge Lane, Librarian of the Boston Athenaeum, in an appendix to the 1897 catalogue of the Athenaeum's Washington collections, attempted to reconcile these listings and to trace the volumes in question (Appleton P.C. Griffin, The Washington Collection in the Boston Athenaeum...With An Appendix...by William Coolidge Lane, Boston, 1897, pp.533-534). Lane was able to identify three folio-format editions of the Acts of the First Congress owned by Washington, plus three small-format reprints. All were offered in the 1876 Lawrence Washington auction. The folios identified by Lane are as follows: [This copy] Lane, no. 1: (First Session) Evans 22189. Bound by Allen of New York (with his binder's ticket), with gilt-lettered label, with bookplate, signatures and marginalia. (For detailed provenance, see below). Lane, no. 2: (First, Second and Third Sessions) Evans 223842, 22952, 23845. 1) Philadelphia: Childs & Swain [1791]; 2) Acts passed at a Second Session...New York: Childs & Swaine [1790]; 3). Acts Passed at a Third Session.... Philadelphia: Childs & Swaine [1790. Bound by James Muir of Philadelphia, with gilt-lettered label and signature. Provenance: George Washington -- Bushrod Washington -- Lawrence A. Washington (sale, Thomas & Sons, 28 November 1876, lot 100) -- John R. Baker (sale, Philadelphia, February 1891, lot 38) -- W.F. Havemeyer -- The Chapin Library, Williams College. Lane, no.3: (First, Second and Third Sessions) Evans 23842, 22952, 23845. 1) Philadelphia: Childs & Swain [1791]; 2) Acts passed at a Second Session...New York: Childs & Swaine [1790]; 3). Acts Passed at a Third Session.... Philadelphia: Childs & Swaine [1790]. Bound by James Muir of Philadelphia, with gilt-lettered label, without bookplate or signature. Provenance: George Washington -- Bushrod Washington -- Lawrence A. Washington (sale, Thomas & Sons, 1876, lot 118) -- Senator Joseph Roswell Hawley -- Michael Papantonio -- Unidentified owner (sale, Christie's, 19 May 1995, lot 91, $310,500) -- Private collection. In addition, three other specially bound, association copies of the first acts are extant: 1. Richard Varick's copy: (First session). Evans 22189. Acts Passed at a Congress...New York: Francis Childs and John Swaine [1789]. First Edition. First Session. Evans 22189. Bound by Thomas Allen. Presented by Washington to Varick (1753-1831), with Varick's autograph inscription -- Princeton University Library. 2. John Jay's copy: (First Session. Acts Passed at a Congress... New York: Francis Childs and John Swaine [1789]. First edition. First Session. Evans 22189. Bound by Allen of New York. Inscribed by Jay: "9 Dec. 1789: Presented by the President of the United States to John Jay." With gilt-lettered label, no bookplate or signature. Evans 22191. Provenance: John Jay -- with A.S.W. Rosenbach -- Estelle Doheny -- Doheny Library (sold, Christie's, 22 February, lot 2026) -- Richard Manney (sale, Sotheby's, 11 October 1991, $210,000) -- Private collection. 3. Thomas Jefferson's copy: Acts Passed at a Congress...New York: Francis Childs and John Swaine [1789]. First Session. Evans 22191. Bound by Thomas Allen of New York, with gilt-lettered label, Jefferson's concealed ownership markings. Provenance: Thomas Jefferson -- Josiah Kirby Lilly (blue morocco bookplate) -- Lilly Library, Bloomington, Indiana. Provenance of Washington's personal copy: 1. President George Washington (gilt morocco label, engraved bookplate, signature on title-page and penciled marginalia) 2. Bushrod Washington (1762-1829), nephew of the above, who inherited Mount Vernon, its library and Washington's extensive archive 3. Lawrence A. Washington, son of the above, by descent (sale, M. Thomas & Sons, Auctioneers, Philadelphia, 28 November 1876, lot 114). 4. C.H. Hart (sale, Thomas Birch's Sons, April 5-6, 1892, lot 842, sold for $1,150) 5. Mrs. Senator George [Phoebe] Hearst 6. William Randolph Hearst 7. Colton Storm 8. Heritage Foundation, Deerfield, Massachusetts (sale, Parke Bernet Galleries, Inc., 17 November 1964, lot 148), bought by George Sessler of Philadelphia on behalf of 9. Estate of H. Richard Dietrich, Jr.

  • USAUSA
  • 2012-06-22
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AUDUBON, John James (1785-1851)

AUDUBON, John James (1785-1851). The Birds of America; from Original Drawings. London: Published by the Author, 1827-1838. The exceptional Duke of Portland set of Audubon's masterpiece – among the finest copies in private hands of this icon of American art, and the finest color-plate book ever produced. Four volumes, double-elephant folio (c.977 x c.645mm). Complete with the engraved title-page in each volume and with 435 hand-colored copperplate etchings with aquatint and engraving, by William Home Lizars and Robert Havell Jr. after original life-size watercolor drawings by Audubon assisted by Joseph Mason [some botanical details], George Lehman [some backgrounds], Maria Martin [some botany and entomology], and his sons John and Victor Audubon; printed by Robert Havell Sr. and Robert Havell Jr. on J Whatman and J Whatman Turkey Mill paper watermarked 1827 to 1838 [see Appendix B for a list of the watermarks appearing throughout this set]. Bound in contemporary red morocco by royal bookbinder John Mackenzie (1788-c.1850), signed with his stamp, with blank flyleaves watermarked "J Whatman 1838". [Complete with the text volumes:] AUDUBON, John James. Ornithological Biography, or an Account of the Habits of the Birds of the United States of America; accompanied by descriptions of the objects represented in the work entitled The Birds of America. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1831-1849 [i.e. 1839]. Five volumes, octavo (255 x 157mm). Bound in contemporary red morocco by Mackenzie, uniform with the plate volumes. Condition of the plates A superlative copy in excellent condition, the plates with fresh and vibrant original coloring. See Appendix B for condition details of the plates individually. In general, defects are minor and include: some minor tears and a very few small paper flaws neatly repaired; light offsetting from some plates onto the blank verso of the facing leaf; occasional light spotting, chiefly marginal; the largest plates with a few instances of the caption being partly obscured by the binding, shaved or cropped; occasional shallow creases; occasional finger soiling in some margins. The first five plates in volume I are on contemporary guards. A copy of an independent conservation report is available on request. Variants in the text and plates The title-page of volume I is in the first state [i.e. before the addition of a volume number and composed in 13 lines, before the addition of two lines listing Audubon's affiliation to various learned societies]; the first ten plates are all engraved by William Lizars alone [i.e. before retouching by Robert Havell], and all the remaining plates in this volume are also early states, with Arabic numbering when called for [these are numbered 11-14, XV, 16-100]. See Appendix A for a list of the captions in the first ten plates, and Appendix B for a list of the imprints throughout. Binding John Mackenzie (1788-c.1850) flourished in the second quarter of the 19th century, during which time he held the office of Bookbinder to both King George IV and King William IV. Mackenzie is noted for his use of richly gilt hard-grain morocco leather, most prominently on the natural history and color-plate books of preeminent noble collections, including in the Broxbourne and Grenville libraries. Contemporary English red morocco by John Mackenzie, signed with his stamp on the front free endpaper of each plate volume, the blank flyleaves watermarked "J Whatman 1838"; the covers gilt with a roll-tooled outer border and central panel, and with a stylized scallop-shell tool at the outer corners of the central panel; the spines richly gilt in compartments and with green morocco lettering- and numbering pieces; marbled endpapers; board edges and turn-ins gilt; edges gilt (front hinges strengthened and some minor wear expertly repaired by James & Stuart Brockman Ltd; light wear at the extremities; faint darkening to the boards of some plate volumes). The plate volumes housed in individual red leather-backed clamshell cases, and the text volumes housed together in one matching case, all by J. & S. Brockman Ltd. Edition size and rarity Audubon's final list of subscribers to The Birds of America comprises 161 entries, although a somewhat larger number of complete sets was certainly produced. Bibliographers estimate that the edition is likely to have comprised 175 to 200 completed copies. Susanne Low, in her various updates to Fries' 1973 census, concludes that 120 complete copies are known to survive; of these, 107 are in institutions "such as universities, libraries, museums, athenaeums, societies, and the like". Of the thirteen sets in private collections, the Portland copy is undoubtedly among the very finest. Provenance The Dukes of Portland (c.1839-2012; sold Christie's New York, 20 January 2012, to:) – Carl W. Knobloch, Jr., gifted to: – The Knobloch Family Foundation. William Henry Cavendish-Scott-Bentinck (1768-1854), 4th Duke of Portland, probably purchased this set as a completed set soon after Audubon finished his project in 1838, and commissioned the binding from Mackenzie. Portland was the eldest son of Prime Minister William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland; he served in various positions in the governments of George Canning and Lord Goderich, including as Lord President of the Council. All the evidence suggests that the 4th Duke was the original purchaser; the binding is strictly contemporary (the endpapers are watermarked 1838), with no trace of earlier ownership, and other books in the library known to have been bought by the 4th Duke underscore his serious interest in natural history. Each volume in this set bears the armorial bookplate of his descendant William, 6th Duke of Portland. According to the keepers at Welbeck Abbey, seat of the Dukes of Portland, there is no consistency in the "bookplating" of the library: many books certainly acquired by the 4th Duke have no earlier bookplate than that of the 6th Duke, and others do not have a bookplate at all. While it is possible that the set was acquired by the 5th Duke of Portland, after the 4th Duke died in 1854, or by the 6th Duke when he inherited the estate in 1879, this is unlikely: Audubon returned to America in September 1839 taking with him the remaining fifteen copies still with the engraver; these he sold by 1850, recording the names of the buyers (see Fries pp. 122-23). William John Cavendish-Scott-Bentinck, 5th Duke of Portland (1800-1879), was a notable eccentric who preferred his own company and excavated an extensive network of tunnels and rooms under the estate, including an underground library and ballroom. William John Cavendish-Bentinck, 6th Duke of Portland (1857-1943), inherited the estate from his cousin in 1879. The 6th Duke was rather more sociable than his reclusive predecessor: he carried the imperial state crown during the coronation ceremony of King George VI. Earlier, in 1913, he hosted Archduke Franz Ferdinand during his visit to England, and took him shooting on the estate. Portland records in his memoirs that "one of the loaders fell down. This caused both barrels of the gun he was carrying to be discharged, the shot passing within a few feet of the Archduke and myself. I have often wondered if the Great War might not have been averted, or at least postponed, had the archduke met his death there and not at Sarajevo the following year" (Men, Women and Things, London: 1937). Context A magic power transported us into the forests which for so many years this man of genius had trod. Learned and ignorant alike were astonished at the spectacle... Imagine a landscape wholly American, trees, flowers, grass, even the tints of the sky and the waters, quickened with a life that is real, peculiar, trans-Atlantic. On twigs, branches, bits of shore, copied by the brush with the strictest fidelity, sport the feathered races of the New World, in the size of life, each in its particular attitude, its individuality and peculiarities. Their plumages sparkle with nature's own tints; you see them in motion or at rest, in their plays and their combats... It is a real and palpable vision of the New World, with its atmosphere, its imposing vegetation, and its tribes which know not the yoke of man... And this realization of an entire hemisphere, this picture of a nature so lusty and strong, is due to the brush of a single man; such an unheard-of triumph of patience and genius! – Philatère Chasles, reviewing Audubon's December 1826 exhibition at the Edinburgh Royal Institution. With his timeless masterpiece, Audubon revealed America's natural splendor to the world and to itself. America, as Audubon found it when the 18-year old emigrated from France in 1803, was a country of barely 6 million people, two-thirds of them living within 50 miles of the Atlantic coast. Lewis and Clark were just setting out West. It was a rugged, young country in which many priorities trumped the drawing of creatures that were primarily seen as food rather than legitimate subjects of artistic consideration. Audubon is now recognized as America's first preeminent watercolorist, but his goal through the decades was always The Birds of America. The culmination of his own artistic ambition, his chef d'oeuvre, was the printed book itself, with the original watercolors preliminary to it. Audubon did not conceive the drawings as independent works of art and he did not sell them: they served as models for the printer and colorists, and he displayed them in exhibitions to attract subscribers to the books. As beautiful as they are, the drawings were functional stepping stones on Audubon's winding path. The Birds of America is the product of total dedication over the course of a lifetime, and through countless vicissitudes. For much of his decades-long project there was a vast gulf between the scale of Audubon's ambition and the reality of his strained circumstances. "No life was at once more unusual and yet more representative of that expansive era when a national character emerged than Audubon's. Celebrate him for his wonderful birds, but recognize him as well as a characteristic American of the first generation – a man who literally made a name for himself" (Rhodes II, p.3). John James Audubon was born on April 26, 1785 on a sugar plantation in Haiti, the illegitimate son of Jean Audubon, a French naval officer and agent for a Nantes mercantile firm, and his mistress Jeanne Rabine, a twenty-seven-year-old chambermaid who died within months of giving birth. In 1791, sensing a slave revolution, Jean sent young Audubon and his half-sister (Jean's illegitimate daughter by another mistress) to Nantes to join him and his broad-minded wife Anne Moynet. The two were legally adopted in 1794, and Jean-Jacques Fougère Audubon (his full legal name at adoption) spent his early youth in and near Nantes where he received a basic education. Here, Audubon's lifelong preoccupation with birds found its earliest expression, collecting specimens during countless countryside rambles, later to be stuffed and drawn. In 1803, worried that his son might be conscripted into Napoleon's army, Jean sent John to America, ostensibly to help manage Mill Grove, a farm that he owned near Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. Here he was free to indulge his boyhood interest in drawing birds, and here too he met his future wife and unsung collaborator Lucy Bakewell, the daughter of a prosperous neighbor. Their courtship included observing Eastern Phoebes together, close to a cave on Perkiomen Creek. Wanting to know if a pair were returning to a previously abandoned nest, Audubon tied a silver thread to the leg of each – possibly the first recorded instance in America of bird-banding, now a routine technique to study bird migration. It was there, too, just months after they met, that Lucy told John that she returned his love. They married in 1808 and moved first to the new settlement of Louisville, and later to Henderson, Kentucky. Despite much enterprise and industry, John's businesses succumbed to the economic crisis that followed the British blockade during the War of 1812. In July of that same year, Audubon faced another devastating blow: Norway rats got into his box of drawings, shredded hundreds of leaves and lined their nests with the scraps; by Audubon's own account he lost close to a thousand specimens that he had drawn over the years. But 1812 is also the year that Audubon became a naturalized American citizen – the source of great pride for Audubon, as his personal seal and visiting card make evident: they feature a wild turkey and the motto "America my country". The largely unspoiled wilderness of Kentucky allowed Audubon access to a broader range of birds to hunt and draw. In 1810, Audubon briefly met the distinguished ornithologist Alexander Wilson at Louisville, where he saw the first two volumes of the artist-author's pioneering American Ornithology. Audubon was about to sign up for a subscription when his business partner stopped him: he cautioned him in French, with Wilson standing by, "what induces you to subscribe to this work? Your drawings are certainly far better". Audubon put down his pen; "vanity on the encomiums of my friend prevented me from subscribing" (quoted in Rhodes I, p. 67). The idea to publish first entered his mind on this occasion, but it was not until 1820, when he was declared bankrupt after the Panic of 1819, that Audubon decided to follow his passion and to gather material for a volume that would surpass Wilson. When his future looked the darkest, having lost everything except his drawings, Audubon "would prove to be phoenix-like, willing to reinvent himself after adversity – an American role model before that concept developed" (Olson, p.21). As he had remarked earlier "hopes are shy birds flying at great distance seldom reached by the best of guns" (Mississippi journal, December 8, 1810). Audubon set off for Louisiana, earning a precarious living as an itinerant artist and tutor. Lucy was left to support herself and their two sons until they eventually settled together at Bayou Sara, north of New Orleans, "a region of supernatural beauty with an abundance of birds" (Olson, p.25). Audubon's few predecessors had limited their studies to Eastern species; Audubon now extended the range of American natural history by recording the birds of the Mississippi flyway. It is while working in Louisiana and in Mississippi, after years of constantly refining his technique, that Audubon came into his full powers as a brilliant watercolorist and natural historian. "From this time on, the new draftsmanly precision of his work was matched by a new mastery of color, sensitivity to modeling, and skillful execution of realistic detail, a metamorphosis also shaped by his singular combination of media [...] Once established, his artistic vision remained unchanged throughout his production" (Shelley, p.116). In the spring of 1824, Audubon tried to find a publisher for his work in Philadelphia – the nation's intellectual and publishing epicenter at the time. In the City of Brotherly Love he met chiefly with closed doors and animosity. Audubon's work and his rustic persona antagonized supporters of Alexander Wilson, chief among them George Ord, who had completed the last two volumes of American Ornithology left unfinished at the time of Wilson's death. Ord developed a "pathological hatred of Audubon [and] was incensed by JJA's threat to his idol's preeminence"; he blocked his election to the Academy, maligned his scientific qualifications, and ensured that no engraver or publisher would work with him (Olson, p.27). To publish his great American masterpiece Audubon had to look abroad, although this was not his first choice. In July 1826 he landed in England, where he quickly found the support and appreciation that was so lacking back home. The new arrival's exotic demeanor – buckskin frontier pantaloons, and shoulder-length hair dressed with bear grease – resonated with locals: "The Last of the Mohicans had been published in London in April and was blooming to a nationwide fad, and some who met Audubon in Liverpool judged him a real life Natty Bumppo. The letters he carried introduced him to the first family of Liverpool shipping, the Rathbones, Quaker abolitionists who recognized his originality and sponsored him socially. Within a month, he was a celebrity, his presence sought at every wealthy table" (Rhodes II, p.7). Before long Audubon had met Walter Scott, John Murray, Thomas Lawrence, Humphry Davy, and could count a young Charles Darwin in the audience of one of his lectures (Audubon is quoted three times in On the Origin of Species). "The dramatic impact of his ambitious, complex pictures and a romantic image as 'the American woodsman' secured Audubon entry into a scientific community much preoccupied with little-known lands. He met the leaders of society and science and was elected to the leading organizations" (DSB). Before the American Civil War, Audubon was one of just a handful of Americans elected to the Royal Society of London, the leading scientific institution of its time – another was Benjamin Franklin. Audubon publicized his work in a series of exhibitions. At one of these, in Manchester, Audubon met F.S. Brookes, the American consul, who advised him to publish his "Great Work" by subscription, a traditional method of raising funds in advance of the great expenses demanded by such a publication. The public exhibitions became an important tool for signing up subscribers, and for generating start-up revenue through admission fees. Originally, The Birds of America was planned to be issued in eighty parts of five plates each, for a total of 400 plates. Eventually, the final count increased to 435 plates in 87 parts, as Audubon identified new species from western expeditions to various places including Texas and Oregon (Thomas Nuttall and John Kirk Townsend sent many specimens from the 1834 Wyeth expedition to the Columbia River). Capitalizing on his newfound status, and armed with his subscription model, Audubon travelled extensively to sign up subscribers in Britain, Europe, and America, among them the kings of England and France. In 1830, no longer a provincial curiosity, Audubon was received at the White House by President Andrew Jackson, and the House of Representatives subscribed to The Birds of America. That Audubon could complete his monumental project by subscription, with no institutional backing or noble benefactor, was "a staggering achievement, as if one man had single-handedly financed and built an Egyptian pyramid" (Rhodes II, p.8). The towering format of this work was dictated by Audubon's long-standing determination that each species be shown life-size, from the flamingo down to the hummingbird – even if the former had to curve its neck in an elegant arabesque. Along the way, Audubon was sometimes encouraged to scale down his drawings for print, but he never deviated. His commitment to verisimilitude was no mere gimmickry but grounded in a profound connection with the natural world inseparable from his work. "It was Audubon's unprecedented understanding of Nature that gave eternal colour to his wilderness palette and placed in his hands a brush with eternity" (Lank, p.19). This vision came with technical complications, not least because Audubon required a quality of engraving that few had the skill to deliver. In Edinburgh, the printer and zoologist, Patrick Neill, a fellow member of the Wernerian Society, directed Audubon to William Home Lizars (1788-1859), "the best engraver in the city," who was then working for two of Britain's foremost ornithologists: Prideaux John Selby (1788-1867) and William Jardine (1800-1874). Upon seeing Audubon's drawings, Lizars exclaimed "My God, I never saw anything like this before!" (quoted in Rhodes I, p. 271); he put aside Selby's commission and accepted Audubon's herculean challenge. The relationship with Lizars lasted for the first two parts (i.e. ten plates), after which a strike by Lizars' colorists caused Audubon to look for another engraver. The setback proved to be a blessing. In London Audubon met Robert Havell Jr, a "brilliant printmaker" with "an instinctive understanding of Audubon's aesthetic. Havell, a master of translation, would prove to be his ideal collaborator... The genius of Havell's burin and his sophisticated use of aquatint were unmatched" (Olson, p.30). Havell was a gifted artist in his own right, whose understanding of the artistry as well as the technology was of immense benefit to Audubon. Havell often improved Audubon's compositions; "fully a third of the plates contained some Havell elements not found in the original watercolours" (Lank, p.18). The quality of Havell's engravings mark "an unprecedented achievement in printmaking" (Olson, p.30). After Havell's first prints had come off the press, Audubon took a set to Lizars who "admired them much; called his workmen, and observed to them that the London artists beat them completely" (Audubon, quoted in Rhodes I, p.299). The Birds of America is considered "the most spectacular color folio print series ever produced [and] one of the world's preeminent natural history documents. Superbly conceived and executed, it eclipsed all others then and now, and is acknowledged to be the finest work of colored engraving with aquatint in existence" (Olson, p.30). The vivid originality and realism of Audubon's print masterpiece made an immediate impact on his contemporaries: with the first part just printed, Audubon visited Edinburgh's Royal Society – he laid the sheets down on the table and records: "the astonishment of everyone was great, and I saw with pleasure many eyes look from them to me" (quoted in Rhodes I, p.285). Thomas Bewick, whose own books were enormously popular with the public and influential among natural historians, "expressed himself as perfectly astounded at the boldness of my undertaking" (quoted in Rhodes I, p.287). Turning the pages of this book is as exhilarating today as it was then, but these contemporary reactions underscore the extent to which Audubon's work broke with tradition and introduced new insights. "In fact, animal art can be divided into two eras, before Audubon and after Audubon. Once he showed the way, there were many very competent artists [John Gould, Edward Lear, Joseph Wolf, etc.] who adopted his method of depicting more or less life-sized birds in lifelike poses, placed in some kind of setting. This artistic revolution ushered in the golden age of natural history illustration" (Lank, p.14). On a broader level, Audubon's work encouraged a shift away from the perception that the natural world is merely there to be quarried at man's whim – this is the reason that, since the 19th century, his name has been associated with one of the world's foremost conservation groups. "Along with his contemporary, Charles Darwin, Audubon changed forever the way in which we see the natural world" (Lank, p.10). References Fine Bird Books, p. 57; Fries, The Double Elephant Folio (Chicago 1973; rev. 2006, ed. Susanne Low); Lank, Audubon's Wilderness Palette (Toronto: 1998); Low, A Guide to Audubon's Birds of America (New Haven: 2002); McGill/Wood, p. 209; Nissen IVB 49; Olson, Audubon's Aviary (NY: 2012); Rhodes I: John James Audubon: The Making of An American (NY: 2004); Rhodes II: "John James Audubon: America's Rare Bird", www.smithsonianmag.com, 1 December 2004; Shelley, "Drawing Birds. Audubon's Artistic Practices", in Olson [see above]. For the Ornithological Biography see also: Ayer/Zimmer, pp. 18-20, 20-21; Copenhagen/Anker 17, 18; Ellis/Mengel 96; McGill/Wood, p. 207.

  • GBRUnited Kingdom
  • 2018-06-14
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The complete babylonian talmud, printed by daniel bomberg in venice

3,472 leaves in 9 volumes (15 1/2 x 10 1/2 in.; 393 x 266 mm). Printed on heavy Royal Folio paper. A crisp clean copy, near-perfect in its preservation, one of, if not the, finest copy extant. Only isolated instances of marginal tears, light stains or the occasional worm track. With thirty-two original blank leaves, including many not recorded by Haberman (for complete collation, inquire of department). Uniformly bound in contemporary calf over heavy oak boards with interior bevelling, paneled in blind, center panel  stamped with the initials of the original owner R[ichard] B[ruarne], panel with multiple fillets and four floral cornerpieces, within a double roll-tooled border, the spines in six compartments with raised bands, later morocco lettering pieces, medieval Latin manuscript leaves used as pastedowns, five volumes with Richard Bruarne's holograph manuscript contents notation on small parchment sheets pasted inside lower boards. Rebacked, original spines laid down, clasps perished, on all volumes. Scattered wormholes on three volumes, a few pastedowns lacking, old scrapes and scratches overall, outer borders of two volumes expertly restored, spine bands. Folding cases with similar spine treatment in calf, ochre cloth sides, lined with rust-colored velvet.  His press may be credited with the most tremendous and important accomplishment in the whole history of Hebrew publishing ... His great contemporaries did him honor; his fellow printers acknowledged without question his supremacy as a master artist-printer. No one can again contribute so much to the external and internal advancement of the Hebrew book. As a pioneer in Hebrew printing in Venice he established so high a standard that no one has surpassed his work, even with the aid of modern mechanical improvements, and it is a question whether any Hebrew printing has yet equaled the quality and taste shown in the productions of the Bomberg press. —Joshua Bloch   With the advent of printing in the mid-fifteenth century, the Talmud began to find its way into the hands of more people than ever before. Jewish printers in Italy, Spain, and Portugal began to make the Talmud more accessible by publishing individual tractates. Suddenly, almost anyone could purchase a tractate of the Talmud and delve into its content. Beginning with the Soncino press in 1483, Hebrew printers interwove the ancient rabbinic texts with the insights of later commentators, and the Talmud page began to take on the complex, layered format that would become familiar to modern scholars.  It would however take an additional four decades before the first complete edition of the Talmud would be published. This monumental accomplishment, completed in Venice in 1523 by Daniel Bomberg is arguably the single most important event in the annals of Hebrew printing and represents the beginning of a new era in the history of the "people of the book. Daniel Bomberg, the son of the Antwerp merchant Cornelius Van Bombergen and Agnes Vranex, was born ca. 1483. Sometime in the first two decades of the sixteenth century, Bomberg, a devout Christian, left his native Antwerp and settled in Venice. Despite his non-Jewish origins, Daniel Bomberg was the first printer of Hebrew books in Venice and the first non-Jewish printer of Hebrew titles; he would eventually become the most prominent Hebrew printer of the sixteenth century. In 1515, Daniel Bomberg first applied to the Venetian Senate for the right to publish Hebrew books. Over the course of the next four decades, Daniel Bomberg produced an amazing corpus of some 240 beautifully printed books. Much of his success must be attributed to his disregard of expense when it came to using only the highest quality papers and inks. Arguably, Bomberg's greatest achievement was the printing of the editio princeps of the Babylonian Talmud (1519/20–1523). He followed this with two other editions as well as individual tractates. Bomberg also printed the first Jerusalem Talmud (1522–1523), and the first Mikraot Gedolot, a four-volume Rabbinic Bible with commentaries (1515–1517). When Bomberg was forced to reapply to the Venetian Senate to renew his privilege to print in Venice in 1518, he took the opportunity to petition for the exclusive right to print the Talmud. The Senate approved, possibly because of the need to raise funds for the wars against the Ottoman Empire. Pope Leo X also endorsed the project and granted Bomberg a papal license. With permission secured, Bomberg engaged the services of skilled craftsmen and editors such as Cornelius Adelkind and Jacob ben Hayyim ibn Adonijah whose expertise would vastly enhance the quality of the work being done at Bomberg's press. A page in the Bomberg Talmud consists of the text of both the Mishna and Gemara, surrounded by the commentaries of Rashi along the inner margin and Tosafot along the outer margin. At the end of the tractate, following the text is Piskei Tosafot (a summary of the Halakhic rulings and conclusions found in the Tosafot), Maimonides' commentary on the Mishnah, and the commentary of Asher ben Jehiel, in that order. The first Bomberg edition of the Talmud became the standard for subsequent editions. Its foliation and layout are still adhered to today. Its uncensored text, in contrast to the expurgated editions that followed, remained a standard for centuries. The Bomberg Talmud editions were printed on fine paper with clear type and good ink. The title pages are simple, devoid of ornamentation, family crests, or printers' marks. In contrast to the simplicity of the title page, the first page of each tractate begins with the first word of the text enlarged within a floral woodcut. The word is centered above the text, but not the adjoining commentaries. Besides the standard edition, printed on fine paper, several treatises, and possibly entire sets of the Bomberg Talmud, were printed on colored paper. There were also deluxe sets printed on vellum. This was consistent with the practice of the period, in which special editions of Hebrew and non-Hebrew titles were printed on distinctive materials to distinguish them from the remainder of the run. This was generally done with a major work, or an expensive title, and restricted to a small number of copies. These deluxe editions might be printed on larger or finer paper, colored paper or vellum. These copies were then sold or possibly used for presentation purposes. Furthermore, and probably most important of all, the correctness of the text has been praised by many bibliographers and historians. Within three years the editors had reviewed and corrected manuscripts for the Talmud, Rashi, Tosafot, the Rosh, and Maimonides' commentary on the Mishnah. It was an awesome task to prepare all of this material for printing within three years, particularly when so much of the work had not been previously printed. The first Bomberg edition of the Talmud was well received and sold out quickly, necessitating a second edition, which was printed from approximately 1525 to 1539. These editions are very much alike, with only minor variations between most tractates but it is possible to distinguish between the two editions. In the second edition (and the third edition as well) the name of the tractate is to the right and the folio number is next to it on the left at the top of the page, as in later and more recent editions. This is in contrast to the first edition, where the treatise's name either does not appear, or is to the left while the page number is to the right. Other typographical differences include the manner of representing the Tetragrammaton. The contemporary recognition of the enormity of Bomberg's achievement in bringing the entire Babylonian Talmud to press is perhaps best summed up in the lengthy and moving colophon provided by Cornelius Adelkind to Soferim, the final tractate of the Talmud: Praise and thanksgiving to He who is the Creator...He roused the spirit of our lord Daniel Bomberg to print the Babylonian Talmud with Rashi's commentary, Tosafot, Piskei Tosafot, and Maimonides' commentary on the Mishnah, and the novellae of the strong hammer, the Asheri (Asher ben Jehiel). And he gathered and assembled the entire Talmud and these commentaries, which had been scattered in every land both distant and near and joined to them many other books. And [so] he accomplished more than his predecessors. He expended his fortune and his wealth and sent couriers, riding swift steeds, to call the finest craftsman that could be found in all these regions to do this awesome work. He designated me, one of the brothers, the sons of Barukh Adelkind, and said to me, "Arise, gird now your loins as a man, and allot, apportion, and divide all these commentaries throughout the Talmud according to the light of your intelligence and they will be consolidated in your hands."  I responded, "My lord behold I am ready and prepared to do your command and to carry out your will as you desire and as I perceive it." And as I saw that one should not refuse and turn away empty handed a person of excellence and nobility, I bestirred myself as God had graced me. ...I separated and established the two great spheres, the prince Rashi and the Tosafot to illuminate the eyes of the readers ... to shield and protect them from the arrows, swords, and spears of [negative] argumentation and dialectics....I divided them in equal parts on every page from the Talmud which begins on the top of the page until the end of the page where it is completed; nothing was added or removed. It reveals that which is hidden round the altar enclosing it from both sides. At the end of each and every Talmud is the piskei tosafot so the reader will have in his hand after studying and waging battle, the halakhic decision which should serve as a balm for his wounds to heal him after [the battle] and also is added the commentary of Maimonides so he will sit in wisdom... All this was achieved through great efforts.  The Lord knows how much pain and great trouble we had as there was much work and numerous commentaries. If I erred or made a mistake in any matter, let the reader judge me meritoriously. He should know that it was not done intentionally. It was an offense done in error, not an offense done in bad faith for the material occasionally made it difficult for the mind to see. I place my supplication before He who gives the weary strength, who bestowed upon me the merit to complete, divide, establish and arrange all the orders of the Babylonian Talmud. So may he grant me the merit with the Jerusalem Talmud, which our lord Daniel Bomberg [may his Rock and Redeemer protect him] prepared to print with the remaining holy books which he has sent to bring from all lands where they are scattered. May the Lord assist our master Daniel, the son of Cornelius Bomberg, make him strong and courageous so that he may go from achievement to achievement and grant him increase and prosperity. —AMEN— In 1956, Mr. Jack Lunzer, the custodian of the Valmadonna Trust attended an exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum celebrating 300 years of Jewish resettlement in England. There, he first became aware of Westminster Abbey's magnificent complete copy of the Talmud. For nearly a quarter century, Mr. Lunzer courted the abbey in an attempt to acquire it. Eventually, he purchased a 900-year old copy of Westminster Abbey's original charter and presented it to the abbey, along with supporting endowments. In grateful recognition of this singular act of largesse, the abbey awarded the custodian its magnificent copy of the Bomberg Talmud. The amazingly fresh condition of the nine-volume Valmadonna Talmud is complemented by its distinguished provenance and magnificent contemporary binding. The Valmadonna copy is bound in blind-panelled calf incorporating the central cipher of Richard Bruarne, Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford from 1546 to 1556. After Bruarne's death, the Talmud eventually passed to Westminster Abbey, in whose library it resided practically undisturbed for four centuries. In terms of importance, rarity, and condition, the Valmadonna copy of Daniel Bomberg's Babylonian Talmud is one of the finest extant. If the first half of the sixteenth century is the "golden age" of Hebrew printing, then the Bomberg Talmud is undoubtedly the pinnacle achievement of the period. CONTENTS: VOLUME 1 (418 leaves) comprising eight tractates: Yoma, Sukkah, Beitzah, Rosh ha-Shanah, Ta'anit, Megillah, Mo'ed Katan and Hagigah; VOLUME 2 (337 leaves) comprising four tractates: Nazir, Sotah, Gittin, and Kiddushin; VOLUME 3 (248 leaves) comprising three tractates: Zevahim, Mishnayyot Kodoshim, and Hullin; VOLUME 4 (419 leaves) comprising three tractates: Yevamot, Ketubbot, and Nedarim; VOLUME 5 (478 leaves) comprising four tractates: Shabbat, Eruvin, Shekalim, and Pesahim; VOLUME 6 (524 leaves) comprising three tractates: Bava Kamma, Bava Metzi'a, and Bava Batra; VOLUME 7 (366 leaves) comprising five tractates: Berakhot, Mishnayyot Zera'im, Halakhot Ketannot, Mishnayyot Tohorot, and Niddah; VOLUME 8 (332 leaves) comprising twelve tractates (in six parts): Menahot, Bekhorot, Arakhin, Temurah, Keritot, [Me'ilah, Kinnim, Middot, Tamid, Semahot, Kallah, Soferim] VOLUME 9 (350 leaves) comprising eight tractates (in seven parts): Sanhedrin, Shevu'ot, Eduyyot with Maimonides' commentary, Eduyyot with commentary of Ra'avad, Avodah Zarah, Avot, Horayyot, Makkot Complete collation available upon request A CENSUS OF ALL KNOWN COMPLETE ORIGINAL SIXTEENTH CENTURY SETS OF THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD, PRINTED BY DANIEL BOMBERG Only a dozen complete sets of the printed Bomberg Talmud which were assembled during the sixteenth century remain extant: most of these were acquired by Christian collections, mainly noble libraries and humanist scholars, who also saw to their binding. The sale of the Valmadonna Talmud affords us the opportunity to review and present the available details concerning each of the other eleven known complete sixteenth century sets. These details, to the extent known, include: provenance, current whereabouts, editions included in each set, and binding information, and are presented here as a prelude to the description of the magnificent Valmadonna Trust Library copy. 1. Of the several sets which were originally in Germany, two were in the Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek at the University of Jena. The first, in six volumes, bears the ex-libris of Elector Johann Friedrich I der Groẞmütige and was in his Bibliotheca Electoralis in Wittenberg in 1545.  The set is uniformly bound in blind-tooled pigskin over wooden boards with beveled edges, showing evidence of chains and clasps.  When the Elector was stripped of his title he moved the library, first to Weimar and then to Jena in 1549.  This set contains mostly first and second edition tractates with only two, Ketubbot and Hullin from the third edition.  The Bibliotheca Electoralis was used by Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560) great-nephew of the Hebraist Johann Reuchlin, and Melancthon, while professor of Greek from 1518 onward, at two points in his career was concomitantly interim professor of Hebrew at Wittenberg.  It is entirely possible that Melancthon consulted this Bomberg Talmud. This set was later housed in the Burke Library of Union Theological Seminary in New York which had acquired it sometime in the mid- to late nineteenth-century from Jena. This set was then purchased for a Private Collection in 2002. Aside from the copy of the Valmadonna Trust Library, this is the only original sixteenth century set in private hands. It was the centerpiece of the 2005 Yeshiva University Museum exhibition: "Printing the Talmud: From Bomberg to Schottenstein." 2. The second of these sets remains at the Thüringer Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek at the University of Jena.  In eight volumes, it bears the ex-libris of Johann Andreas Danz (1654-1727), theologian and professor of Semitic languages in the faculty of Jena.  Bound in brown leather, all of the volumes have metal clasps and decorative corner studs in each corner of both the upper and lower boards.  The university purchased his library after his death. 3. There is a nine volume set in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich that had been in the possession of the sixteenth-century Catholic humanist Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter (1506-1557).  He was an Austrian statesman, humanist, and Orientalist who became chancellor of Lower Austria and rector of the University of Vienna.  He may have purchased his set as early as 1527, as the latest tractate in his set was printed in 1526. That tractate (Shevu'ot) is the only one from the second edition, all other tractates being from the first edition. Widmanstetter's library was acquired by Duke Albrecht V (1528-1579), the founder of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in 1558.  The leather bindings bear the coat of arms of Bavarian Elector Maximilian III Joseph (1745-1777) as supralibros. 4. Another six volume set at the Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, bound in sixteenth-century monastic leather-covered wooden boards stamped with rolls and bearing evidence of chain fastenings, is a mixture of Bomberg's first and second editions.  Though we lack any provenance details, it is possible that Elias Hutter (1553-1609), who studied Oriental languages at the University of Jena and was appointed professor Hebrew at Leipzig and published polyglot editions of the Bible as well as editions of the Hebrew Bible alone, may have been instrumental in the Universität acquiring the set and he surely had occasion to consult it. 5. An additional set that originated in Germany was acquired for the library of the Count Palatine (later Elector) Ottheinrich (1502-1559), who invested heavily in Hebrew, Greek and Arabic manuscripts, for the benefit of scholars in his domains, even though he himself could not read them.  The Bibliotheca Palatina, served as the Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, and the presence in Heidelberg of scholars of the caliber of Sebastian Münster (1488-1552), who taught Hebrew there until 1536, fostered a scholarly climate that would have begged for the acquisition of such a set.  It contains tractates from all Bomberg editions, and was bound by Jörg Bernhardt at Heidelberg between 1553 and 1556, in brown calfskin in seventeen volumes, and bears Ottheinrich's gilt supralibros.  This copy is currently in the collection of the Vatican Library, to where the Bibliotheca Palatina was relocated in 1622/23. 6. Another six volume set which likely originated in Germany, went to Great Britain and finally to the United States, where it is held in the collection of the Klau Library of the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati. The exact provenance of this set is not known, but by the end of the nineteenth-century it was in the Bibliotheca Lindesiana of the earls of Crawford. The set was purchased for Hebrew Union College by that institution's renowned librarian, Adolph S. Oko in 1923/4. It contains tractates from all the Bomberg editions. The bindings, blind-stamped pigskin over wooden boards, with foliate and floral tooling, are German and likely contemporary with the printing, with sixteenth-century annotations in German and Latin. 7. Known colloquially as the "Oppenheimer Bomberg," this set was in the collection of Rabbi David Oppenheimer (1664-1736) who served as rabbi in Moravia and later Prague, but is perhaps best remembered for his unparalleled library of rare books and manuscripts.  Comprising  nearly all first edition tractates, save two (Bava Kama and a second copy of Makkot are from the second edition), it is bound in twenty-two volumes.  After Oppenheimer's death, the library languished until it was eventually acquired by the Bodleian Library of Oxford University in 1829 where it was cataloged by Moritz Steinschneider.  It is, to the best of our knowledge, the only complete sixteenth-century Bomberg Talmud set with a Jewish provenance.  Nevertheless, its binding, blind-stamped white pigskin over wooden boards with remnants of clasps, does not suggest original Jewish ownership and it is probable that it passed through the hands of an unknown sixteenth century German Christian Hebraist. 8. The Bodleian Library is the only institution which has more than one set. The second Bodleian copy is bound in ten volumes. It is already described in the 1605 Bodleian catalogue, though we have no pre-Bodleian provenance details for the set.  All of the tractates in this set come from the second and third Bomberg editions.  The bindings appear to be eighteenth-century Bodleian leather, but based on the 1605 description the set clearly was assembled in the sixteenth-century. 9. There is an entirely first edition twelve volume set of Italian provenance in the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome.  The library was established, under the will of Cardinal Girolamo Casante (1620-1700), in 1701 by the Dominicans of the Convent of Santa Maria sopra Minerva in Rome.  Originally held in the monastery of San Salvatore in Bologna, the set was already in Rome when the librarian Giovanni Battista Audiffredi (1714-1794) described it in his catalogue. The volumes are covered in mottled green vellum, typical for this library in the late eighteenth century. 10. Another set with Italian provenance arrived in England sometime before 1628 when it was described by Henry Featherstone (1582-1648), London bookseller of St. Ann's Parish, Blackfriars, in the earliest printed catalog of an English bookseller.  It was acquired on behalf of the Sion College Library in 1629, with the £26 required to purchase the set, raised by George Walker, the incumbent of the parish of St. John the Evangelist, Watling Street. On the closure of Sion College Library in 1996, the Talmud was transferred to Lambeth Palace Library, the Palace being the London residence of the Archbishop of Canterbury. The tractates, many from the last Bomberg printings, are annotated in a late-sixteenth or seventeenth-century Italian hand, and were originally bound in eighteen volumes as described by Featherstone. They were later rebound at Sion into twelve volumes, and stamped with the donor parish emblem, SIEW, and had chains affixed. 11. The twelve-volume, entirely first edition, set now in the British Library was in the library of Isaac Casaubon (1559-1614), the Geneva-born classicist who migrated to Great Britian around the year 1610.  The set was acquired by the Royal Library after Causabon's death, and presented, as was the rest of the Royal Library, to the British Museum by George II in 1755.  The volumes were rebound in the nineteenth-century (erroneously), as books from the library of Henry VIII. This nineteenth century binding is certainly one of the contributing factors which helped to disseminate the popular, though mistaken notion that Henry had been responsible for importing the Talmud to England (see the next entry, #12, the Valmadonna Talmud). THE PRESENT LOT 12. The amazingly fresh condition of the nine-volume Valmadonna Talmud, comprised of first and second edition tractates, is complemented by its distinguished provenance and magnificent contemporary binding. For some time it was believed, on the basis of the letters RB on its binding that this set derived from the royal library (Regia Bibliotheca) of Henry VIII, who, it was formerly posited, consulted it during divorce proceedings against his first wife, Catherine of Aragon.  In truth, the Valmadonna copy is bound in blind-panelled calf incorporating the central cipher of Richard Bruarne, Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford University from 1546 to 1556. Five of the volumes still have Bruarne's original contents notes, written in both Latin and in his very distinctive Hebrew script, affixed to their inside rear boards.  Bruarne died in 1565, probably leaving his books to Christ Church, Oxford.  His Bomberg Talmud was at Westminster Abbey by 1629, in whose library it resided practically undisturbed for nearly four centuries.  On March 4, 1629, John Selden (1584-1654), reportedly the most learned man in England, was imprisoned in the Tower of London on charges of conspiracy and sedition against King Charles I.  In a letter to Sir Robert Cotton, first baronet (1570-1631), and Member of Parliament, dated July 4, 1629, Selden requests that Cotton arrange for him to borrow the "Talmud of Babylon" from Westminster Abbey, a request which was apparently granted. Indeed, Selden's may have been the last hands to turn the Talmud's pages until 1956. Early in that year, the Talmud was displayed at London's Victoria and Albert Museum as part of an exhibition commemorating the "Tercentenary of the Resettlement of the Jews in the British Isles, 1656-1956." Among those who visited the exhibition was Mr. Jack Lunzer, Custodian of the Valmadonna Trust Library. Having now been made aware of Westminster Abbey's magnificent complete copy of the Talmud, Mr. Lunzer spent the next twenty-four years courting the abbey in an attempt to acquire it. In June of 1980, Lunzer finally acquired the Westminster Talmud from the abbey, in exchange for a 900-year old copy of Westminster Abbey's original charter, along with supporting endowments. Since its return to Jewish ownership, it has become universally known as the Valmadonna Talmud. There are two more complete sets of the Bomberg Talmud of which we are aware and which we may eventually be able to authenticate as having  been original sixteenth-century sets rather than later, collected editions, but for the time being in both cases we lack the details necessary to be able to formally include them in this census. For further information on the provenance of original sixteenth century sets of the Bomberg Talmud, see:  Milton McC. Gatch and Bruce E. Nielsen, "The Wittenberg Copy of the Bomberg Talmud," Gutenberg Jahrbuch 78 (2003) 296-326. A NOTE ABOUT BOOK PRICES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY Even by sixteenth-century standards these Talmud volumes were expensive, so it seems we should expect more than a bibliophile's interest to explain why these particular publications were so desirable.  A brief survey may be useful to establish that these volumes would have been considered a luxury, where the scudo, ducat, aurea and florin/gulden were all roughly of the same value. (For reference purposes, it may also be noted that 20 solidi = 1 lira; 1 ducat = 124 solidi (or 6 ¼ lira ).  Already at the end of the fifteenth-century, legal and academic texts, in folio, regularly sold for between 1 and 2 ducats.  Similar prices for folios printed at other Venetian printing houses continued to be seen throughout the sixteenth-century.  Specifically concerning Bomberg imprints, in 1518 Philip Melanchthon purchased a Bomberg first edition Rabbinic Bible for 14 aurei, and two years later Johannes Reuchlin purchased one for 8 aurei.  Elijah Levita wrote in the second of his two poems following the colophon at the end of the fourth volume of Bomberg's second edition Mikra'ot Gedolot, that the price for the set was six golden ducats, or 1½ ducats per volume.  In fact, Damian Irmi (a wealthy Basel merchant trader with Italy) purchased a copy of Bomberg's second edition Mikra'ot Gedolot for Konrad Pellikan for eleven gulden.  The price for this Rabbinic Bible in Gesner's 1545 list was 10 ducats; Alfasi, three volumes, 18 ducats; Rambam, two volumes,10 ducats.  In a list written sometime after 1532 of books available from Koberger's bookshop in Nürnberg: Bomberg's first edition Mikra'ot Gedolot sold for 14 fl., or approximately 10 ducats.  Finally, it is interesting to note that Johannes Buxtorf the Elder (1564-1629, Basel) and Sebastian Beck (1583-1654, Basel), state that circa 1617 one of the old Bomberg Rabbinic Bibles cost between 30 and 50 Reichsthalers, which was the equivalent of 75-125 fl. In general, books printed in Italy were considered expensive already by mid-sixteenth century, as we note that "in 1554 the jurist [Georg] Tanner wrote to Bonifacius Amerbach in Basel that the high price of Italian books prevented many buyers from making purchases."  And specifically about the Bomberg Talmud, we know from an entry dated 25 April 1541, in a daybook concerning purchases in Venice, that a Talmud set was not purchased for the University of Wittenberg because it was felt that the price was exorbitant. Based on the examples cited above, it is safe to say that in the sixteenth century, each of the forty-four tractates in the Bomberg Talmud (allowing for two editions of Mishna Tohorot, one with the commentary of Maimonides and one with the commentary of Shimshon of Sens), if and when they were available, would have cost at least 1½ -2½ ducats.  Given Bomberg's standard for the highest quality both with regard to materials and workmanship, his folios likely were priced at the upper end of this range.  This results in the contemporary price for a full set to be somewhere around 110 ducats, plus the cost of binding.  For copies printed on heavy watermarked 'royal' paper such as the Valmadonna (#12) and Wittenberg (#1) sets, it is reasonable that they would have garnered two or three times that amount.  In order to put these figures in perspective, there is rather specific wage and income data available for sixteenth-century Italy and this data demonstrates the luxury of owning a complete Bomberg Talmud set. The prices we have calculated were realized at a time when a master craftsman earned 30-50 solidi/day, and a semi skilled laborer in construction earned 20-37 solidi/day.  In the mid- to late-fifteenth-century Italian typesetters earned 3 ducats/month, a press operator earned 2½, and a foreman earned 5-9 ducats/month.  Contemporary Jewish sources also give a glimpse of wages for rabbis and teachers.  Elijah Capsali tutored Rabbi Isserlein for a sum of 37 ducats per year plus board.  Isaac Corcos, rabbi to the community in Otranto (southern Italy) received 70 ducats per year, Rabbi Azreil in Sulmona (central Italy) received 80 scudi (approximately 73 ducats), and Don David Ibn Yahya was to have received 100 scudi (approximately 92 ducats) as rabbi in Naples (though the promised sum never materialized).  For laborers, rabbis or teachers these wages range between 3 and 7⅔ ducats per month, and an income of anything more than 10 ducats per month would have been considered relative affluence.  And only with some level of affluence would an individual have had sufficient disposable income to purchase Bomberg folios.  Put in more descriptive terms, "a folio volume retailing for 6 or 8 lire, i.e., the equivalent of 3 to 6 days pay for a master, would be difficult but not impossible to buy."  However, while individual folios may have been within the price reach of a skilled laborer, he could not purchase such items on a regular basis and clearly that laborer would not be purchasing multi-volume sets all at once.  Finally, we bring these wage figures only to demonstrate the relative worth of the volumes, since the likelihood that laborers would have actually purchased such texts is negligible, not only due to the issue of disposable income, but we have said nothing of sixteenth-century literacy rates. Dr. Bruce E. Nielsen,  Judaic Public Services Librarian and Archivist, University of Pennsylvania references for “A Note about Book Prices in the Sixteenth Century” Currency:  20 solidi = 1 lira; 1 ducat = 124 solidi; General folio prices: M. Lowry, "The Printer, the Reader and the Market," pp. 173-206 in, Nicholas Jenson and the rise of Venetian publishing in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, U.K.; Cambridge Mass.:  Blackwell, 1991) 179-180; P. F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press (Princeton:  Princeton University Press, 1977) 12-14; S.Z. Baruchson-Arbib, "The Prices of Printed Hebrew Books in Cinquecento Italy," Bibliofilia 97.2 (1995) 149-61; Melancthon: R. Wetzel, ed., Melanchthons Briefwechsel, 15 volumes (Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1991), Bd. 1, 75 letter #24; Reuchlin: H. Scheible, ed., Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, 4 (Munich: C.H.Beck, 1997) 251, letter #693; Irmi: B. Riggenbach, ed., Das Chronikon des Konrad Pellikan (Basel: Bahnmaier's Verlag (C. Detloff), 1877) 116; Gesner: C. Gesner, Bibliotheca Universalis, vol. II (Tiguri: Christophorum Froschouerum, 1548) 41b-43b; Koberger: O. Hase, Die Koberger (Leipzig: Breitkopf u. Härtel, 1885) 386, where one florin = one rheinische Gulden, and 40 ducats = 55 gulden; Buxtorf: S. G. Burnett, From Christian Hebraism to Jewish Studies (Leiden:  Brill, 1996) 172 n. 12; Tanner: F. Kapp, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels (Leipzig : Börsenvereins, 1886) 1:312; Wittenberg: W. Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch der Universität Wittenberg (Magdeburg : Selbstverlag der Historischen Kommission, 1926-7) 1:225; Wages: M. Lowry, "The Printer, the Reader and the Market," in Nicholas Jenson and the rise of Venetian publishing in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, UK ; Cambridge, Mass., USA : Blackwell, 1991) 187; Baruchson-Arbib, op.cit. 157-58 with comparison to consumables; R. Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading, 1450-1550 (Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz, 1967) 36; Capsali et al.: A. Marx, Studies in Jewish History and Booklore (New York:  JTSA, 1941) 137, 164-65; Descriptive terms: P. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540-1605 (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1977) 14.

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AUDUBON, John James (1785-1851). The Birds of America; from Original Drawings. London: Published by the Author, 1827-1838.

AUDUBON, John James (1785-1851). The Birds of America; from Original Drawings. London: Published by the Author, 1827-1838. 4 volumes, "double-elephant" broadsheets (985/987 x 660/664 mm). Engraved title-page in each volume and 435 hand-colored, etched and aquatinted plates, by William H. Lizars (Edinburgh), Robert Havell, Sr and Robert Havell, Jr (London), after Audubon's original life-size watercolor drawings, on J. Whatman and J. Whatman Turkey Mill paper with watermarks dated 1827-1838 (see Appendix B). First state of the title in volume I, containing 13 lines (before the addition of two extra lines listing Audubon's memberships to learned societies and without volume number). The plates in this set are arranged in order of publication (not by families) and numbered I-X, 11-14, XV, 16-71, LXXII, 73-74, LXXV-LXXVI, 77, LXXVIII-LXXX, 81, LXXXII, 83, LXXXIV-LXXXV, 86-100, CI-CCCCXXXV. Thus, most of the first 100 plates (Vol. I) are early states with Arabic numbering. All but three of the first ten plates are engraved by William Home Lizars alone, before retouching by R. Havell, Jr. For a comparison of the states of the legends on the first ten plates in this copy with Waldemar Fries' listing of the variants, in his landmark monograph on the double elephant folio, see Appendix A. Two paper stocks were used throughout the production, both bearing the name of the English paper-maker James Whatman. William Balston, the apprentice and successor of the younger James Whatman, shared the rights to the old Whatman company and used the watermark "J Whatman"; the Hollingsworth family had the rights to the watermark "J Whatman Turkey Mill." The sheet size of the paper is known as "double elephant," measuring 39½ x 29½ inches, approximately the same size of the drawing paper that bears the same name. For watermarks in the individual sheets of this set, see Appendix B. GEORGE LANE FOX'S EARLY SUBSCRIPTION SET OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION OF AUDUBON'S MASTERPIECE, THE FINEST COLOR-PLATE BOOK OF ORNITHOLOGY EVER PRODUCED. Sight of this superb copy was lost after 1909, the only time it changed hands since publication, while ITS CONDITION AND COLORS HAVE REMAINED REMARKABLY FRESH. CONDITION The Fox-Bute set is in very fine condition, retaining its freshness of color and displaying a vibrant yet at times subtle palette. The volumes show a minimal evidence of handling and (as one might expect) this is mostly limited to the first volume. The plates show occasional minor ink residue or toning along platemarks (sometimes accompanied by minor ink spotting or speckling) from the time of printing. Other evidence of the human element in this endeavor is occasionally apparent from a watercolorist's smear or error, or a pressman's inky fingerprint. Condition description by volume follows below; for individual plate condition, see Appendix B. Vol. 1: Flyleaves mounted on free endpapers, title-page creased and soiled, several shallow nicks affecting approximately 20 fore-margins; Vol. 2: Flyleaves mounted on free endpapers, title-page slightly soiled and with several vertical creases, a few tears patched on verso of title-page; Vol. 3: Both flyleaves unmounted (watermark J Whatman 1837), title-page slightly frayed along fore-margin, rear free endpaper detached with some chipping along gutter margin; Vol. 4: Both flyleaves unmounted (watermark J Whatman 1837), front flyleaf with 4-inch tear (early repair), title-page with vertical crease. All volumes contain occasional handling creases (predominantly marginal, most evident in Vol. I), occasional pale offsetting on versos, Volumes III and IV with occasional faint mildew-spotting on some upper margins. BINDING According to Audubon's Ledger "B", the George Lane Fox set was purchased "loose" (in sheets), and the simple binding was no doubt commissioned by Fox shortly after the subscription was completed in 1838. It was probably executed in the capital, but a provincial shop cannot be entirely excluded. Contemporary three-quarter maroon morocco, blind- and gilt-rolled foliate borders along leather edges on sides, marbled boards, spine in ten compartments with nine raised bands, gilt-lettered in three, a repeated gilt floral panel in the others, top edges gilt, deckle edges frequently preserved (spine and jointes of Vol. I skilfully restored, Vols. 2 & 4 with repairs to spine ends, some scrapes retouched, some wear, marbled boards rubbed); brown buckram over wooden fall-down-back boxes, gilt morocco lettering pieces on covers and spines. John James Audubon was born on April 26, 1785 in Les Cayes, Santo Domingo (now Haiti). He was the illegitimate son of Jean Audubon, a French sea captain and agent for a Nantes mercantile firm in Santo Domingo, and Mlle. Jeanne Rabin(e?), his Creole mistress. The mother died within a year of her son's birth, and young Audubon and his half sister (Jean's illegitimate daughter by another mistress) were sent to Nantes in 1791, where they joined their father and his wife Anne Moynet. The two were legally adopted in 1794, and Jean-Jacques Fougère Audubon (his full legal adopted name) spent his early youth at Nantes and Couëron, where he received a minimal elementary education. Here, Audubon's lifelong preoccupation with birds found its earliest expression, as he spent endless hours collecting specimens from his countryside rambles, later to be stuffed and drawn. In 1803, following the loss of the family's fortune, when French political control of Santo Domingo had ended, John James was sent to eastern Pennsylvania, initially under the care of an associate of his father's, Miers Fisher. Difficulties in this arrangement led to Audubon's move to Mill Grove, his father's farm near Philadelphia, where his boyhood interest in drawing bird specimens grew. Here he met his future wife Lucy Bakewell, the daughter of a prosperous neighbor. They married in 1808 and moved first to the new settlement of Louisville, and later to Henderson, Kentucky, where John James failed as merchant and miller. In 1812, Audubon became a naturalized American citizen. The largely unspoiled wilderness of Kentucky allowed Audubon an increasing range of birds to hunt and draw, and lacking formal artistic training, he worked hard at developing a new method of mounting dead birds on wires as an aid to delineation. In 1810, Audubon briefly met the distinguished ornithologist Alexander Wilson at Louisville, where he saw the first two volumes of the artist-author's pioneering American Ornithology. He later implied, perhaps correctly, that his own drawings were, even at that time, better than Wilson's. Although the idea of publication first entered his mind on this occasion, it was not until 1820, following bankruptcy, that Audubon set out by flatboat for Louisiana, with the single goal of adding to his portfolio of bird pictures. He worked precariously as an itinerant artist and tutor, leaving much of the burden to Lucy of supporting herself and their two sons. They settled on a plantation near New Orleans called Bayou Sara. Finally, Audubon came into his full powers as a brilliant painter of birds and master of design, chiefly working in Louisiana and Mississippi. In the spring of 1824, he sought publication of his work in Philadelphia and New York. Failing this, he travelled to England in 1826. Originally, The Birds of America was planned to be issued serially in eighty parts of five plates each, for a total of 400 plates. The final count, however, would increase to 435 in 87 parts, owing to discoveries of new species made by Thomas Nuttall and John Kirk Townsend on the Wyeth expedition to the Columbia River in 1834. The monumental format of this work was dictated by Audubon's insistence that each species be shown life-size and his determination to depict all the known species found in North America. It soon became evident to Audubon that to publish the work he had envisioned, he must travel to Britain, where through exhibitions of his drawings he came in contact with the scientific community. One of his early acquaintances here was the historian and botanist, William Roscoe, who helped arrange these exhibitions. At one such exhibition in Manchester, he met the American consul, F.S. Brookes from Boston, who advised him to publish his "Great Work" by subscription, a traditional method of raising funds in advance of the great expenses involved in such a publication--which Audubon anticipated would take 14 years to complete. "The dramatic impact of his ambitious, complex pictures and a romantic image as 'the American woodsman' secured Audubon entry into a scientific community much preoccupied with little-known lands. He met the leaders of society and science and was elected to the leading organizations, including the Royal Society of London. Among his friends were the gifted ornithologist William Swainson, from whom he learned some niceties of technical ornithology, and the orderly, brilliant Scottish naturalist-anatomist William MacGillivray. The text for Audubon's pictures, separately produced at Edinburgh, emerged as the five-volume Ornithological Biography [a set of the text volumes is included with the lot]. MacGillivray edited this for grammatical form, and he also contributed extensive anatomical descriptions to the later volumes" (DSB). In Edinburgh, the printer and zoologist, Patrick Neill, a fellow member of the Wernerian Society, directed Audubon to William Home Lizars (1788-1859), "the best engraver in the city" who was currently engraving for Prideaux John Selby (1788-1867) and Sir William Jardine (1800-1874), Britain's foremost ornithologists. Lizars was so impressed with Audubon's drawings, that he put aside the work he was currently doing for Selby and agreed to take on the Herculean task of printing the plates. For the time being, Audubon had found his engraver, and could now concentrate on seeking patronage for the work, which took him to the noblest homes of Britain and Europe, and to the new markets of the young American Republic--as may be seen from the original list of subscribers. The relationship with the engraver Lizars was not long-lasting. During the engraving of the first two parts (each containing five plates), Lizar's colorists went on strike, causing Audubon to search for another engraver for his "Great Work." Audubon went to London, where he met Robert Havell, senior member of the well-known family of artists and aquatinters. At fifty-eight Havell, Sr felt he was too old for such an undertaking leading him to find a younger engraver for the project, which ultimately led to his own estranged son Robert Jr, an accomplished engraver working at the time for Colnaghi. The two were reconciled and entered upon a successful business partnership, known as Robert Havell and Son. A life-long friendship was established between Audubon and Robert junior, and together they created the greatest of all bird books, arguably the highest achievement of ornithological art. As a subscription publication, The Birds of America was issued over a decade according to demand, and the plates bear a range of imprints, which varies from set to set. We know that Robert senior died in 1832 and that Robert junior then styled himself R. Havell. Fries cites the variants in the names on the first ten plates, which are likely to cause the most confusion as they were the ones engraved by Lizars. They were handed over to the Havells as soon as they had been engaged for the project, and the imprint was amended to reflect this. The earliest states of plate I have "Engraved by W.H. Lizars Edinr.", while later states have "Retouched by R. Havell Junr." Although Havell junior engraved all the plates after number 10, there is no evidence to support a conclusion from the final variants of plates III, IV, V and X, that Havell completely re-engraved the plates, despite the removal of Lizars name from the imprint. Some plates bear no distinction between the senior and junior Havells. Others mention Lizars engraving, but Havell senior printing and coloring (e.g. plate VII), or Robert junior retouching and Robert senior printing and coloring (see Appendix B for imprints on the plates in the present set). EDITION SIZE AND RARITY Although the final list of subscribers to The Birds of America totaled 161, a somewhat greater number of sets certainly was produced. Bibliographers of the double-elephant folio have calculated the edition size at approximately 200 completed copies. In her updating of Fries' 1973 census, Susanne Low writes, "119 complete copies are known to exist in the world today. 108 are in institutions such as universities, libraries, museums, athenaeums, societies, and the like. 11 are in private hands." Since 1973, 19 copies of the book have been sold. Of these, twelve have been sold on a sheet-by-sheet basis and are dispersed, and another set was incomplete, lacking volume IV. The present set is not counted among Low's figure of 119 copies known to exist, but is included among the copies of original owners-subscribers that have vanished in the 19th or 20th century. She referred to it as "the Fox family copy, Original Owner-Subscriber: Geo. Lamb [sic] Fox." In Audubon's final list of subscribers, published in the final volume of the Ornithological Biography (pp. 647-51), he lists both a "George Lamb Fox, Esq., Yorkshire," as well as a "George Lane Fox, Esq. Yorkshire." Fries concludes that "Audubon must have duplicated names in making up the list, for there is no George Lamb Fox, Yorkshire listed in Ledger 'B'." (Fries, p. 169). The "lost" George Lane Fox set is among the finest complete copies offered in the last several decades. PROVENANCE George Lane Fox, M.P. (c.1791-1848), of Bramham Park, Wetherby, West Yorkshire, original subscriber ("fox" inscribed on lower margin of plate 201, on upper margin of plate 301, and on verso of final plate in pencil in a different hand). Audubon wrote to Havell from Edinburgh, 31 October 1831: "I am glad that Mr Calvert procured the subscription of George Lane Fox (Yorkshire) - do you know where that Gentn resides in Yorkshire?" (Letters, v.I, pp. 119-20). Apart from ornithology, Fox also had an interest in botany, but his greatest passion was for racing and gambling. He was a friend of the Prince Regent. His and his wife's portraits by Sir George Haytor remain at Bramham Park today. The house was seriously damaged by fire in 1828, and was only restored by Detmar Blow in 1909. -- By descent to the subscriber's great-grandson George Richard Lane-Fox (Sotheby's sale, 27 July 1909, lot 269, #380 to London booksellers Bernard Quaritch) -- John, 4th marquess of Bute (1881-1947); an archive memo at Mount Stuart, dated 25 October 1911, records the purchase from Quaritch at #585. TEXT AUDUBON, John James. Ornithological Biography, or an Account of the Habits of the Birds of the United States of America; accompanied by descriptions of the objects represented in the work entitled The Birds of America. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1831-1849 [i.e. 1839]. 5 volumes, 8o (253 x 160 mm). Later half marroon morocco gilt, marbled boards, t.e.g., by Arthur S. Colley. Provenance: Mount Stuart, Bute Collection. FIRST EDITION. "As early as November of 1826, shortly after Lizars had begun the engraving of the Birds of America, Audubon had written in his journal: 'I shall publish the letterpress in a separate book, at the same time with the illustrations, and shall accompany the descriptions of the birds with many anecdotes and accounts of localities connected with the birds themselves, and with my travels in search of them.' Had Audubon included the letterpress with the engravings, he would have been required, under the British Copyright Act of 1709, to deposit a copy of the work in nine libraries in the United Kingdom. Hence his letterpress appeared separately in the five volumes of the Ornithological Biography" (Fries, p. 47). REFERENCES Ayer/Zimmer, pp. 18-20, 20-21 (Ornithological Biography); Copenhagen/Anker 17, 18 (Ornithological Biography); Ellis/Mengel 96 (Ornithological Biography); Fine Bird Books, p. 57; Waldemar H. Fries, The Double Elephant Folio (Chicago 1973); Susanne M. Low, An Index and Guide to Audubon's Birds of America (New York 1988); Low, Catalogue of the New Birds of America Section of the Audubon Archives (New York 1993); McGill/Wood, p. 207 (Ornithological Biography), 209; Nissen IVB 49. (9)

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  • 2000-03-10
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AUDUBON, John James (1785-1851). The Birds of America; from Original Drawings. London: Published by the Author, 1827-1838.

AUDUBON, John James (1785-1851). The Birds of America; from Original Drawings. London: Published by the Author, 1827-1838. 4 volumes, "double-elephant" broadsheets (979/975 x 650/632 mm). Engraved title-page in each volume and 435 hand-colored, etched and aquatint plates, by William H. Lizars (Edinburgh), Robert Havell, Sr. and Robert Havell, Jr. (London), after Audubon's original life-size watercolor drawings, on J. Whatman and J. Whatman Turkey Mill paper with watermarks dated 1827-1838 (see Appendix B for watermarks on the individual sheets in this set). First state of the title in volume I, containing 13 lines (before the addition of two extra lines listing Audubon's memberships to learned societies and without volume number). The plates in this set are arranged in order of publication (not by families) and numbered I-X, 11-14, XV, 16-100, CI-CCCCXXXV. Thus, most of the first 100 plates (Vol. I) are early states with Arabic numbering. All of the first ten plates are engraved by William Home Lizars alone, before retouching by R. Havell, Jr. For a comparison of the states of the legends on the first ten plates in this copy with Waldemar Fries' listing of the variants, in his landmark monograph on the double elephant folio, see Appendix A. Two paper stocks were used throughout the production, both bearing the name of the English paper-maker James Whatman. William Balston, the apprentice and successor of the younger James Whatman, shared the rights to the old Whatman company and used the watermark "J Whatman"; the Hollingsworth family had the rights to the watermark "J Whatman Turkey Mill." The sheet size of the paper is known as "double elephant," measuring 39 x 29 inches, approximately the same size of the drawing paper that bears the same name. THE EXCEPTIONALLY FINE DUKE OF PORTLAND SET OF AUDUBON'S MASTERPIECE THE BIRDS OF AMERICA -- THE FINEST COLOR-PLATE BOOK OF ORNITHOLOGY EVER PRODUCED. CONDITION A fine copy in excellent condition, with fresh, vibrant colors. Minor defects include: some occasional finger-soiling; some occasional pale show-through from offset of succeeding plates; a few plates with moderate surface bloom or bloom-spots; occasional light discoloration, foxing or spotting; the larger plates with a few instances of plate numbers, part numbers and parts of captions being obscured by the binding, shaved or cropped; a few creases, some extending beyond the platemark; some minor tears, most repaired, chiefly marginal, a few extending within the platemark. BINDING Size: 993 x 655 mm (39 1/8 x 25 inches). Full contemporary English crimson morocco, richly gilt, covers paneled a wide decorative roll-tooled outer border surrounding a central panel with a roll-tooled border, a stylized scallop corner-piece built up of smaller tools at each outer corner of central panel, spines in nine compartments with eight double-raised bands, two with onlaid green morocco lettering pieces, the others with a repeated richly gilt panel, board edges and turn-ins elaborately gilt, marbled paper pastedowns and free endpapers, blank flyleaves watermarked "J. Whatman 1838," stamp-signed "J. Mackenzie" on free endpapers of plate volumes (Vol. 3 with a tiny stain on fore-edge, some slight areas of darker discoloration partially due to orientation of the leather hides, some minor surface wear and abrasions skillfully restored and refurbished by James & Stuart Brockman Ltd.); plate volumes in four velvet-lined quarter leather buckram over wooden board folding boxes. John Mackenzie (1788-ca 1850) is believed to have apprenticed in Frederich Leberecht Staggemeier's shop in the second decade of the nineteenth century. Mackenzie's independent business flourished in the second quarter of the century, during which time he held the office of bookbinder to both King George IV and King William IV. He is noted for his use of hard-grain morocco, most prominently on the natural history and color-plate books found in the Broxbourne and Grenville libraries. John James Audubon was born on April 26, 1785 in Les Cayes, Santo Domingo (now Haiti). He was the illegitimate son of Jean Audubon, a French sea captain and agent for a Nantes mercantile firm in Santo Domingo, and Mlle. Jeanne Rabin(e?), his Creole mistress. The mother died within a year of her son's birth, and young Audubon and his half sister (Jean's illegitimate daughter by another mistress) were sent to Nantes in 1791, where they joined their father and his wife Anne Moynet. The two were legally adopted in 1794, and Jean-Jacques Fougre Audubon (his full legal adopted name) spent his early youth at Nantes and Couron, where he received a minimal elementary education. Here, Audubon's lifelong preoccupation with birds found its earliest expression, as he spent endless hours collecting specimens from his countryside rambles, later to be stuffed and drawn. In 1803, following the loss of the family's fortune, when French political control of Santo Domingo had ended, John James was sent to eastern Pennsylvania, initially under the care of an associate of his father's, Miers Fisher. Difficulties in this arrangement led to Audubon's move to Mill Grove, his father's farm near Philadelphia, where his boyhood interest in drawing bird specimens grew. Here he met his future wife Lucy Bakewell, the daughter of a prosperous neighbor. They married in 1808 and moved first to the new settlement of Louisville, and later to Henderson, Kentucky, where John James failed as merchant and miller. In 1812, Audubon became a naturalized American citizen. The largely unspoiled wilderness of Kentucky allowed Audubon an increasing range of birds to hunt and draw, and lacking formal artistic training, he worked hard at developing a new method of mounting dead birds on wires as an aid to delineation. In 1810, Audubon briefly met the distinguished ornithologist Alexander Wilson at Louisville, where he saw the first two volumes of the artist-author's pioneering American Ornithology. He later implied, perhaps correctly, that his own drawings were, even at that time, better than Wilson's. Although the idea of publication first entered his mind on this occasion, it was not until 1820, following bankruptcy, that Audubon set out by flatboat for Louisiana, with the single goal of adding to his portfolio of bird pictures. He worked precariously as an itinerant artist and tutor, leaving much of the burden to Lucy of supporting herself and their two sons. They settled on a plantation near New Orleans called Bayou Sara. Finally, Audubon came into his full powers as a brilliant painter of birds and master of design, chiefly working in Louisiana and Mississippi. In the spring of 1824, he sought publication of his work in Philadelphia and New York. Failing this, he travelled to England in 1826. Originally, The Birds of America was planned to be issued serially in eighty parts of five plates each, for a total of 400 plates. The final count, however, would increase to 435 in 87 parts, owing to discoveries of new species made by Thomas Nuttall and John Kirk Townsend on the Wyeth expedition to the Columbia River in 1834. The monumental format of this work was dictated by Audubon's insistence that each species be shown life-size and his determination to depict all the known species found in North America. It soon became evident to Audubon that to publish the work he had envisioned, he must travel to Britain, where through exhibitions of his drawings he came in contact with the scientific community. One of his early acquaintances here was the historian and botanist, William Roscoe, who helped arrange these exhibitions. At one such exhibition in Manchester, he met the American consul, F.S. Brookes from Boston, who advised him to publish his "Great Work" by subscription, a traditional method of raising funds in advance of the great expenses involved in such a publication--which Audubon anticipated would take 14 years to complete. "The dramatic impact of his ambitious, complex pictures and a romantic image as 'the American woodsman' secured Audubon entry into a scientific community much preoccupied with little-known lands. He met the leaders of society and science and was elected to the leading organizations, including the Royal Society of London. Among his friends were the gifted ornithologist William Swainson, from whom he learned some niceties of technical ornithology, and the orderly, brilliant Scottish naturalist-anatomist William MacGillivray. The text for Audubon's pictures, separately produced at Edinburgh, emerged as the five-volume Ornithological Biography [a set of the text volumes is included with the lot]. MacGillivray edited this for grammatical form, and he also contributed extensive anatomical descriptions to the later volumes" (DSB). In Edinburgh, the printer and zoologist, Patrick Neill, a fellow member of the Wernerian Society, directed Audubon to William Home Lizars (1788-1859), "the best engraver in the city" who was currently engraving for Prideaux John Selby (1788-1867) and Sir William Jardine (1800-1874), Britain's foremost ornithologists. Lizars was so impressed with Audubon's drawings, that he put aside the work he was currently doing for Selby and agreed to take on the Herculean task of printing the plates. For the time being, Audubon had found his engraver, and could now concentrate on seeking patronage for the work, which took him to the noblest homes of Britain and Europe, and to the new markets of the young American Republic--as may be seen from the original list of subscribers. The relationship with the engraver Lizars was not long-lasting. During the engraving of the first two parts (each containing five plates), Lizar's colorists went on strike, causing Audubon to search for another engraver for his "Great Work." Audubon went to London, where he met Robert Havell, senior member of the well-known family of artists and aquatinters. At fifty-eight Havell, Sr felt he was too old for such an undertaking leading him to find a younger engraver for the project, which ultimately led to his own estranged son Robert Jr, an accomplished engraver working at the time for Colnaghi. The two were reconciled and entered upon a successful business partnership, known as Robert Havell and Son. A life-long friendship was established between Audubon and Robert junior, and together they created the greatest of all bird books, arguably the highest achievement of ornithological art. As a subscription publication, The Birds of America was issued over a decade according to demand, and the plates bear a range of imprints, which varies from set to set. We know that Robert senior died in 1832 and that Robert junior then styled himself R. Havell. Fries cites the variants in the names on the first ten plates, which are likely to cause the most confusion as they were the ones engraved by Lizars. They were handed over to the Havells as soon as they had been engaged for the project, and the imprint was amended to reflect this. The earliest states of plate I have "Engraved by W.H. Lizars Edinr.", while later states have "Retouched by R. Havell Junr." Although Havell junior engraved all the plates after number 10, there is no evidence to support a conclusion from the final variants of plates III, IV, V and X, that Havell completely re-engraved the plates, despite the removal of Lizars name from the imprint. Some plates bear no distinction between the senior and junior Havells. Others mention Lizars engraving, but Havell senior printing and coloring (e.g. plate VII), or Robert junior retouching and Robert senior printing and coloring (see Appendix B for imprints on the plates in the present set). EDITION SIZE AND RARITY Although the final list of subscribers to The Birds of America totaled 161, a somewhat greater number of sets certainly was produced. Bibliographers of the double-elephant folio have calculated the edition size at approximately 200 completed copies. In her updating of Fries' 1973 census, Susanne Low writes, "119 complete copies are known to exist in the world today. 108 are in institutions such as universities, libraries, museums, athenaeums, societies, and the like. 11 are in private hands." Since 1973, 24 copies of the book have been sold at auction. Of these, 14 have been sold on a sheet-by-sheet basis, many of these lacking plates, and are dispersed (including the Earl of Carnarvon copy comprising 159 plates only), and another incomplete set which lacked volume IV was sold together but presumably is now dispersed (the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences copy). At the present time, 107 copies remain in institutions and 13 are in private hands (which includes the Fox-Bute copy, previously unaccounted for by Fries and Low). PROVENANCE Presumably purchased sometime after 1838 as a bound complete set, by William Henry Cavendish Cavendish-Scott-Bentinck, 4th Duke of Portland PC, FRS, FSA (24 June 1768 - 27 March 1854), styled Marquess of Titchfield until 1809. He was a British politician who served in various positions in the governments of George Canning and Lord Goderich. Portland was the eldest son of Prime Minister William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland and Lady Dorothy, daughter of William Cavendish, 4th Duke of Devonshire and Charlotte Boyle, Baroness Clifford. He was the elder brother of Lord William Bentinck and Lord Charles Bentinck. He was educated at Westminster School and Christ Church, Oxford. Each volume in this set contains the armorial bookplate of the 6th Duke of Portland. However, according to the keepers at Welbeck, there seems to be little consistency of the "bookplating" in the library. There are many volumes presently in the library without any bookplate at all, as well as many books acquired by the 4th Duke with no earlier bookplate than the 6th Duke's on their pastedowns. Other books in the library that are known to have been purchased by the 4th Duke show his serious interest in natural history, and therefore may indicate he was the original purchaser of this Audubon set soon after publication in 1838 and prior to his death in 1854. It is possibly, however, that this set may also have been purchased later by the 5th or 6th Dukes of Portland, the son of the 4th Duke and his cousin, respectively. William John Cavendish Cavendish-Scott-Bentick, 5th Duke of Portland (1800-1879), styled Lord William Cavendish-Scott-Bentick before 1824 and Marquess of Titchfield between 1824 and 1854, was a British aristocratic eccentric who preferred to live in seclusion. On 27 March 1854 he succeeded his father as 5th Duke of Portland. He had an underground maze excavated under his estate at Welbeck Abbey, near Clumber Park in North Nottinghamshire, where he kept his library. William John Arthur Charles James Cavendish-Bentick, 6th Duke of Portland (1857-1943), known as William Cavendish-Bentick until 1879, was a British landowner, courtier and Conservative politician. He notably served as Master of the Horse between 1886 and 1892 and again between 1895 and 1905. He inherited the Cavendish-Bentick estates, based around Welbeck Abbey, from his cousin William Cavendish-Scott-Bentick, 5th Duke of Portland, in 1879. TEXT AUDUBON, John James. Ornithological Biography, or an Account of the Habits of the Birds of the United States of America; accompanied by descriptions of the objects represented in the work entitled The Birds of America. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black, 1831-1849 [i.e. 1839]. 5 volumes, 8o (255 x 157 mm). Bound to match the plate volumes in full contemporary English crimson gilt-panelled morocco, spines in six compartments with five raised bands, edges gilt; single velvet-lined quarter morocco box matching the plate volume boxes. FIRST EDITION. "As early as November of 1826, shortly after Lizars had begun the engraving of the Birds of America, Audubon had written in his journal: 'I shall publish the letterpress in a separate book, at the same time with the illustrations, and shall accompany the descriptions of the birds with many anecdotes and accounts of localities connected with the birds themselves, and with my travels in search of them.' Had Audubon included the letterpress with the engravings, he would have been required, under the British Copyright Act of 1709, to deposit a copy of the work in nine libraries in the United Kingdom. Hence his letterpress appeared separately in the five volumes of the Ornithological Biography" (Fries, p. 47). REFERENCES Ayer/Zimmer, pp. 18-20, 20-21 (Ornithological Biography); Copenhagen/Anker 17, 18 (Ornithological Biography); Ellis/Mengel 96 (Ornithological Biography); Fine Bird Books, p. 57; Waldemar H. Fries, The Double Elephant Folio (Chicago 1973; rev. 2006, ed. Susanne Low); Susanne M. Low, An Index and Guide to Audubon's Birds of America (New York 1988); Low, Catalogue of the New Birds of America Section of the Audubon Archives (New York 1993); McGill/Wood, p. 207 (Ornithological Biography), 209; Nissen IVB 49. (9)

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  • 2012-01-20
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Rue Lipp

I dont want people to copy Matisse or Picasso, although it is entirely proper to admit their influence. I dont make paintings like theirs. I make paintings like mine. Stuart Davis Stuart Davis set sail for his first visit to Paris in June of 1928 at the age of thirty-five, embarking on a transformative period in his art. Over the course of the following year, he produced a series of seminal paintings that brilliantly synthesized aspects of his previous work with various influences to establish the visual vocabulary that he would continue to explore from for the remainder of his life. Rue Lipp is a superb example of this body of work that Clement Greenberg and Duncan Phillips considered to be the best of Daviss career. Davis was immediately captivated by the character and architecture of the French capital, which were dramatically different from the burgeoning and oppressive New York cityscape. In Paris he found reprieve as well as intellectual and artistic reinvigoration. He set up a studio at 50 rue Vercingétorix in the 14th arrondissement and assumed the role of flanneur, strolling the boulevards and arcades and making sketches of buildings and elements that captured his attention. Everything about the place struck me as being just about right. I had the feeling that this was the best place in the world for an artist to live and work; and at the time it was. The prevalence of the sidewalk café was an important factor. It provided easy access to ones friends and gave extra pleasure to long walks through various parts of the cityParis was old fashioned, but modern as well. That was the wonderful part of itThere was so much of the past and the immediate present brought together on one plane that nothing seemed left to be desired. There was a timelessness about the place that was conducive to the kind of contemplation essential to art. And the scale of the architecture was human (quoted in J.J. Sweeney, Stuart Davis (exhibition catalogue) The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1945, p. 19). The atmosphere of Paris as well as the artists elevated role in Parisian society allowed Davis to thrive in a way that he had not before, catalyzing a dramatic coalescing of various themes he had explored in his earlier work and the creation of a series of paintings that would serve as the stylistic basis and visual lexicon for his mature career. These Paris cityscapes immediately followed Daviss famed Egg Beater series and mark a return to figuration, though there is a clear visual continuity between the highly abstracted still lifes and these works. William C. Agee writes, In the Paris paintings, he moved to figurative urban vistas, apparently a radical departure from the abstracting Egg Beater series. However, in fact, they continued and developed the structural foundations of the Egg Beaters, and are of a piece with the entirety of Daviss work, forming a vital chapter in his lifelong search for an authentic, personal and American variant of Cubism (Paris, 1928-1929; Paris and New York, 1930-1931; And Paris Revisted, 1941 and 1959 in Stuart Davis: A Catalogue Raisonné, New Haven, 2007, p. 72). Indeed, Davis carried two of the Egg Beater paintings to Paris and referenced them while working on his cityscapes. The strong architectural planes, shallow pictorial space, still life component and palette of Rue Lipp clearly stem from these works. However, Rue Lipp is a far more complex composition that incorporates a number of additional elements that Davis would continue to utilize throughout his career. Davis, an avid fan of jazz, while in Paris discovered the work of the now legendary pianist Earl Hines. While listening to Hines playing piano on a Louis Armstrong record, Davis was intrigued by the pianists ability to take an anecdotal or sentimental song and turn it into a series of musical intervals of enormous variety (ibid., p. 72). In Rue Lipp and his other 1928-29 Paris pictures, Davis visually performs the same feattransforming mundane tourist scenes into richly complex compositions that reference a variety of influences such as Robert Henris instruction to go out to the streets and paint what you see, the dissociative color of Matisse and Gauguin and Cubism, while also presaging Pop Art. There is always an element of wit in Davis work and the title Rue Lipp references not an actual street, but rather, the view from the famed Brasserie Lipp, which the artist often frequented. Here he plays with perception and the relationship between interior and exterior. The space is compressed so as to negate the distance between café table and sidewalk, thrusting the three tabletop elements into a central role in a stage like setting. The still life in the foreground of Rue Lipp comes out of the Egg Beater pictures and also the proto-pop still lifes that Davis worked on throughout the early 1920s. Indeed, a key Davis contribution to the development of Cubism was the fusion of still life within a wide architectural perspective, a formula unlike that of any other Cubist artist (ibid., p. 73). Daviss fascination with the street signage he encountered throughout Paris manifests itself in the incorporation of text in the composition and he would continue to use words in his art in an increasingly dissociative fashion. In addition to the street signs, he utilizes text in the still life elements, Biere Hatt referencing the visual pun that the design of the beer stein sitting on saucer is evocative of a top hat. On the pink structure at right he both alludes to the graffiti that he saw in parts of the city as well as an advertisement for his friend Robert Carlton Browns poems. The squiggles in the sky reference the smoke wafting from the citys chimneys and are demonstrative of Davis ability to distill a commonplace sight into a playful design element. The musical staff in the sky references the music that could be heard from street musicians or emanating from the cafés. Daviss love of surface and the possibilities of paint are evident in the rich brushwork and a dense, variegated surface and the juxtaposition of flat planes of color with the thoroughly worked, expressive abstraction of the foreground. He paints a silver frame around the image to give the sense of looking through a window and to further underscore the two-dimensionality of the painting.  The result is a stylized composition that is evocative of the surrealist street scenes of de Chirico, Delvaux and Magritte and prescient of the work of Ed Ruscha, Wayne Theibaud and Andy Warhol. The fact that Rue Lipp is a seminal work in Davis oeuvre is demonstrated by the artists decision to revisit the composition three times over the course of his career. In 1941 in the small scale Still Life in the Street (Ebsworth Collection) and twice in the 1950s: in Study for The Paris Bit (1951 and 1957-60, Private Collection) and The Paris Bit (1959, Whitney Museum of American Art, New York). The title of the latter two, which translate the painting through the lens of Davis late style, references the time that Davis spent in Paris, and the inclusion of 28 references the year he painted Rue Lipp. Wanda Corn writes, The Paris Bit...is one of the artists most profound meditations on the amazing continuity between his youthful art of the 1920s and his mature style of the 1950s (The Great American Thing: Modern Art and National Identity, 1915-1945, Berkeley, California, 1999, p. 349). Thus Rue Lipp is both a masterwork of Daviss early period and an important touchstone in the artists career. Signed Stuart Davis (lower right)

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  • 2018-11-12
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SHAKESPEARE, William (1564-1616). Comedies, Histories, & Tragedies. Published according to the True Originall Copies. Edited by John Heminge (d. 1630)

SHAKESPEARE, William (1564-1616). Comedies, Histories, & Tragedies. Published according to the True Originall Copies. Edited by John Heminge (d. 1630) and Henry Condell (d. 1627). London: Printed by Isaac Iaggard, and Ed. Blount at the Charges of W. Jaggard, Ed. Blount, I. Smithweeke, and W. Aspley, 1623. THE FINE AND COMPLETE DRYDEN-PULESTON-BEMIS COPY OF SHAKESPEARE'S FIRST FOLIO, THE MOST IMPORTANT BOOK IN ENGLISH LITERATURE, AND ONE OF THE TWO FINEST COPIES REMAINING IN PRIVATE HANDS Median 2o (324 x 208mm). 454 leaves: COMPLETE (see collation below). Various paper-stocks from French mills and one unwatermarked. Roman and italic types 82 mm, larger cursive for running titles, set by at least nine compositors. Double column, 66 lines, headlines and catchwords, pages box-ruled, woocut head- and tail-pieces, Shakespeare's engraved portrait by MARTIN DROESHOUT in third state, as usual, and measures 197 x 165 mm. BINDING: late-17th- or early-18th-century English blind-tooled brown calf over pasteboard, sides panelled with double fillets, gouges and dots, floral tool at the angles, outer and center panels of the sides sprinkled in black, intermediate panels plain, sprinkled spine with raised double bands (lettering piece removed from spine, but its impression "SHAKESPEARS PLAYS" visible underneath; spine-ends, joints and corners restored, some wear and minor stains to covers, endpapers renewed with early sheets [foolscap watermark, initials LM countermark]); red morocco pull-off case by H. Zucker of Philadelphia. THE FIRST FOLIO OF SHAKESPEARE CONSTITUTES BY ANY STANDARDS THE MOST IMPORTANT BODY OF WORK IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT BOOKS IN ALL OF LITERATURE. FIRST COLLECTED EDITION of Shakespeare's plays, known as THE FIRST FOLIO (STC 22273). It contains the FIRST APPEARANCE IN PRINT OF 18 PLAYS: Tempest, Two Gentlemen of Verona, Measure for Measure, Comedy of Errors, As You Like It, Taming of the Shrew, All's Well That Ends Well, Twelfth Night, Winter's Tale, King John, Henry VI part 1, Henry VIII, Coriolanus, Timon of Athens, Julius Caesar, Macbeth, Antony and Cleopatra, and Cymbeline; none of the reprinted plays show corrupted or mutilated text from 'bad quartos', a couple were set from good-quarto editions, half a dozen are the result of quarto texts collated against play-manuscripts, while the majority were newly edited from complete manuscripts that either varied or in most cases greatly improved the text of earlier editions. Three plays now accepted as genuine were not included: Pericles, Two Noble Kinsmen, and Sir Thomas More. If the plays of William Shakespeare are truly, as they are often termed, immortal--possessing a timeless power to move and to transform the lives of readers and play-goers; portraying a rich panoply of human types and universal situations with insight, sympathy, intellectual depth and coruscating wit; expressed in poetry whose originality has immeasurably enriched the English language itself--then surely it is not surprising that the First Folio itself, the book in which his plays were first collected, has attained immortal stature. In the nearly four centuries since his death, Shakespeare has become "the first universal author, replacing the Bible in the secularized consciousness" (Harold Bloom). The bibliographer William Jackson, in his 1940 commentary to the catalogue of the Carl Pforzheimer Library, succinctly denominated the First Folio edition of Shakespeare as "incomparably the most important work in the English language," a book which "will always be valued and revered accordingly." An earlier scholar, Henrietta C. Bartlett, the introduction to her 1923 catalogue of Shakespeareana, termed the 1623 folio "the most valuable single book in the English language," and so it unquestionably remains today: the undisputed keystone of any serious collection of English literature. In their prefatory address ("To the Great Variety of Readers") in the First Folio, Shakespeare's friends and fellow actors John Heminge and Henry Condell, simply exhort us to "Reade him, therefore; and againe, and againe." PRINTING HISTORY: William Jaggard and Thomas Pavier had made an abortive attempt in 1619 to produce a collected reprint of various plays (see lots 98 and 99), including Pericles. Although the King's Men were able to prevent this plan, a number of quartos were illicitly reprinted with false dates. The production of the folio began in early 1622 and continued with at least two interruptions until November 1623. Hinman in his classic monograph on the First Folio distinguished five compositors, working from two different typecases, but since then compositor A has been further subdivided. Compositor B set almost half the pages of the First Folio and he also supervised the work of others, specifically that of compositor E, who has been identified as the teenage apprentice John Leason of Hurley, Hampshire. While the printing progressed, Jaggard and Blount negotiated for rights to quarto texts held by other publishers, but for unknown reasons omitted Pericles, which was owned by Pavier and not reprinted until the Third Folio of 1664. The negotiations for the rights to Troilus and Cressida were prolonged, which caused the printers to stop its composition and later to take it up again, resulting in the complications of cancellation and the distinction of three issues as described above. The First Folio edition turned out a commercial success and was no doubt out of print by the time the Second went into production (1632). The First Folio served as printer's copy for the Second, the Third was set from the Second with the addition of seven plays (only Pericles being authentic), and the Fourth Folio was a simple reprint of the Third (see lots 101-103). The First Folio is textually superior to its successors, which was not generally realized by Shakespeare editors until Dr Johnson and Edward Capell in the 1760s. The interest of 18th-century English collectors in acquiring fine copies of the First Folio rather coincided with the new taste for monuments of early printing; they, and the booksellers who catered to them, applied some of the same techniques in completing copies, repairing and washing leaves, rebinding, etc., although Georgian bibliophiles (unlike their Victorian and Edwardian counterparts) for some reason seemed less keen to have their Shakespeare folios in gold-tooled morocco than their incunabula. The sophistication of First Folios has continued unabated since then and has been the subject of study by Lee and De Ricci in the early 20th century and by Blayney and West in our own time. The title with Martin Droeshout's important engraved portrait of the playwright was inserted as a singleton to begin with, as it was the only half-sheet in the book that needed to go through an intaglio as well as a letterpress; it was later particularly subject to replacement, repair and even forgery. While the insertion of a genuine title-leaf in the Dryden copy after the 1913 sale is well-documented, its three minor and earlier sophistications have not been noted before. The copy is number LXXV in Lee's census and number 145 in West's forthcoming census. In a letter to Frank B. Bemis dated 20th February 1932, Seymour de Ricci, the most experienced of census makers (Gutenberg, Caxton, as well as Shakespeare), wrote: "I fully agree with you in considering that its generally fine condition and the charming associations with Dryden and Locker make it one if the most desirable copies in existence." ISSUE AND VARIANTS: The Berland First Folio belongs to the third issue, as usual, complete with Troilus and Cressida and its prologue; only three copies of the first and four of the second issue survive in institutional collections. Hinman recorded hundreds of press variants on many dozens of pages, particularly in the Tragedies. They represent stop-press corrections of errors spotted after proofs of the two-page formes had been read; the apprentice compositor designated E was especially prone to making new mistakes while correcting and his work was more frequently checked during the press-run than that of the others. In practice, no attention was paid to the state of the sheets as they were gathered, and it is probable that no two copies of the finished book would have contained exactly the same corrections. The Dryden copy appears to show the majority of the formes that were subject to correction in their final state, but not all have been verified. EDITION SIZE AND RARITY: The First Folio was the result of a collaborative effort by the players in Shakespeare's company, The King's Men, and the publishers. As an ambitious business venture it had to be carefully planned by Jaggard and Blount, as they not only had to calculate the market for such a large book and the usual costs of paper and production, but also to negotiate the use of play-manuscripts and buy the rights from other publishers to plays already in print. Peter Blayney has scaled back the various estimates by Charlton Hinman and others of the Folio's edition size to "probably no more than 750 copies, and perhaps fewer" and its retail price from the traditional estimate of one pound for a copy in sheets to fifteen shillings. His estimate of the number of copies that survive in complete or fragmentary state totals some 300, of which most are imperfect, many seriously defective. (Of the 82 exemplars held by the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C., only 13 are complete.) No census, including the latest by A.J. West, can possibly attempt to identify how many different copies are represented by the surviving fragments that lead independent lives or hidden existences within sophisticated copies. Despite the high survival rate of copies of the First Folio, it is important to note that the large majority are in institutions and only a very small number of complete copies remain in private hands--recent counts numbering five or six only worldwide. And although imperfect or fragmentary copies occasionally appear on the market--and even these with a much decreased regularity--A FINE AND COMPLETE COPY IN AN EARLY BINDING IS AN EXTREMELY RARE OCCURRENCE AT AUCTION. COLLATION: A6(1+1), χ2 (A1r blank, A1v Ben Jonson's verses To the Reader, A1+1r letterpress title and the engraved portrait of the playwright by MARTIN DROESHOUT in third state, verso blank, A2 editors' dedication to the Earls of Pembroke and Montgomery, A3r editors' note To the great Variety of Readers, verso blank, A4 Ben Jonson's verses To the memory of my beloved, The Author, A5r Hugh Holland's verses Upon the Lines and Life of the Famous Scenicke Poet, verso blank, A6r A Catalogue of the severall Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies contained in this Volume, verso blank, χ1r verses To the Memorie of the deceased Authour by L. Digges and I.M., verso blank, χ2r The Names of the Principall Actors, verso blank); 2A-Z, Aa-Bb6 Cc2 (Comedies: 2A1r The Tempest, B4v The Two Gentlemen of Verona, D2r The Merry Wives of Windsor, F1r Measure, For Measure, H1r The Comedie of Errors, I3r Much adoe about Nothing, L1v Loves Labour's lost, N1r A Midsommer Nights Dreame, O4r The Merchant of Venice, Q3r As you Like it, S2v The Taming of the Shrew, V1v All's Well, that Ends Well, Y2r Twelfe Night, Or what you will, Z6v blank, Aa1r The Winters Tale, Cc2v blank); a-g6 gg8, h-v6 x4 (Histories: a1r The life and death of King Iohn, b6r The life and death of King Richard the Second, d5v The First Part of Henry the Fourth, with the Life and Death of Henry Sirnamed Hot-spurre, f6v The Second Part of Henry the Fourth, Containing his Death: and the Coronation of King Henry the Fift, gg8r Epilogue, gg8v The Actors Names, h1r The Life of Henry the Fift, k2v The first Part of Henry the Sixt, m2v The second Part of Henry the Sixt, with the death of the Good Duke Humfrey, o4r The third Part of Henry the Sixt, with the death of the Duke of Yorke, q5r The Tragedy of Richard the Third: with the Landing of Earle Richmond, and the Battell at Bosworth Field, t3r The Famous History of the Life of King Henry the Eight); 2χ1= . 2gg3 3χ1=2gg4 \\h-\\h\\h6 \\h\\h\\h1 (singleton), aa-ff62gg6 ( . 1.2, . 3=2χ1, 4=3χ1, -5, -6) 3gg-hh, kk-zz aaa-bbb6 (Tragedies: 2χ1r The Prologue, verso The Tragedie of Troylus and Cressida, aa1r The Tragedy of Coriolanus, cc4r The Lamentable Tragedy of Titus Andronicus, ee3r The Tragedie of Romeo and Iuliet, 3gg1v The Life of Tymon of Athens, hh6r The Actors Names, verso blank, kk1r The Tragedie of Iulius Caesar, ll6r The Tragedie of Macbeth, nn4v The Tragedie of Hamlet, Prince of Denmarke, qq2r The Tragedie of King Lear, ss3v The Tragedie of Othello, the Moore of Venice, vv6v The Tragedie of Anthonie, and Cleopatra, zz3r The Tragedie of Cymbeline, bbb6r colophon, verso blank). 454 leaves: COMPLETE. Various paper-stocks from French mills and one unwatermarked. Roman and italic types 82mm, larger cursive for running titles, set by at least nine compositors. Double column, 66 lines, headlines and catchwords, pages box-ruled, woodcut head- and tail-pieces, Shakespeare's engraved portrait 197 x 165mm. CONDITION: title-leaf (with a few small repairs and light dust-soiling) inserted from another copy by Quaritch's in or shortly after 1913; folios d3 and p5 (another leaf f1, possibly) supplied from another copy of the First Folio (judging by their disjunction, watermark distribution, and isolated wormholes), before 1913; 2χ1 inserted verso/recto; A1 "To the Reader" with marginal areas of repair (slightly affecting a few letters) and creases pressed, other preliminaries also pressed; tiny rust holes affecting one or 2 letters on E6, G1, M4, p1, h3, i3, l2, m2, m6, aa4, vv1; short tears or natural paper flaws (in a few cases crossing text or rule border) to M1, N4, R5, m4, kk4, oo5, ss1; a small number of additional leaves with light stains, small ink blots, minor marginal flaws or repairs; wormhole to inner blank margins of yy2-bbb5 (mended in final leaf bbb6). This copy has been subjected to a more rigorous collation and condition examination than previous examples at auction, and the above is a very conscientious list of defects of the most minor kind, as this is probably ONE OF THE TWO FINEST COPIES REMAINING IN PRIVATE HANDS, large in size and the paper mostly fresh. PROVENANCE: 1. 18th-century inscription "William" on blank verso of A5 2. Allen Puleston (his signature scored through on blank verso of the final leaf), who married Mary Dryden, the great-niece of John Dryden, the poet, and died in 1762; by descent to 3. Sir John Dryden (signature above Puleston's), seventh baronet of the first creation (d. 1770) or first baronet of a new creation, who died in 1797; by descent to 4. Sir Henry Dryden (d. 1900), from whom the poet Frederick Locker-Lampson (1821-95) unsuccessfully tried to purchase it for the Rowfant Library (see his Confidences, 1896, 204ff), bequeathed to his brother 5. Sir Alfred Erasmus Dryden, Bart. of Canons Ashby, Northamptonshire (Lee's Census LXXV; sold at Sotheby's, 8th July 1913, lot 596, to) 6. [Frank T. Sabin, London booksellers, sold to] 7. [Bernard Quaritch, London booksellers, who supplied the title and, in the tercentenary year of Shakespeare's death, sent it on approval to] 8. [Dr A.S.W. Rosenbach, Philadelphia bookseller, who first offered it first to Henry Clay Folger as "in the original binding," and then sold it to] 9. Commodore Morton V. Plant of New York, in 1922 sold back to 10. [Dr A.S.W. Rosenbach, who resold it almost immediately to] 11. Frank Brewer Bemis of Boston (bookplate), after his death in 1935 his collection was placed on consignment by his executors with 12. [Dr Rosenbach, who in 1944 sold the Bemis four Shakespeare Folios (see the next three lots) together as a set to] 13. Morris Wolf of Philadelphia, the Rosenbach Company lawyer and father of Dr Rosenbach's assistant and biographer Edwin Wolf 2nd (the set sold at Sotheby's on 6th June 1961, lot 43, to) 14. [John F. Fleming, New York bookseller and successor to Rosenbach, sold to] 15. Caroline Newton (daughter of A. Edward Newton, exuberant chronicler of American book-collecting in the first four decades of the 20th century), the set resold to 16. [John Fleming, who sold it in 1970 to] 17. Abel E. Berland (bookplate). LITERATURE: The literature on the First Folio is more extensive than that concerning any other single edition, the Gutenberg Bible probably not excepted. Below are a few of the most significant monographs on the First Folio. Sidney Lee. Shakespeares Comedies, Histories & Tragedies: A Census of Extant Copies. Oxford, 1902. A.W. Pollard. Shakespeare Folios and Quartos: A Study in the Bibliography of Shakespeare's Plays. London, 1909. W.W. Greg. The Shakespeare First Folio: Its Bibliographical and Textual History. Oxford, 1955. Charlton Hinman. The Printing and Proof-Reading of the First Folio of Shakespeare. 2 volumes. Oxford, 1963. Peter W.M. Blayney. The First Folio of Shakespeare. Washington, D.C., 1991. Anthony James West. The Shakespeare First Folio. The History of the Book. Volume I. Oxford, 2001.

  • USAUSA
  • 2001-10-08
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"In other words we think we have found the basic copying mechanism by which life comes from life..."

"In other words we think we have found the basic copying mechanism by which life comes from life..." "Twice, especially, since 1900, scientists and their ideas have generated a transformation so broad and so deep that it touches everyone's most intimate sense of the nature of things. The first of these transformations was in physics, the second in biology. Between the two, we are most of us spontaneously more interested in the science of life..." (Horace Freeland Judson, The Eighth Day of Creation). CRICK, Francis Harry Compton (1916-2004). Autograph Letter Signed ("Daddy") to his son Michael, outlining the revolutionary discovery of the structure and function of DNA. Cambridge, 19 March 1953. 7 pages, 4to, on Basildon bond blue writing paper, watermarked ...written on rectos and versos (each sheet with two small hole-punches, otherwise very fine). MORE THAN ONE MONTH BEFORE THE FIRST PUBLISHED ANNOUNCEMENT, FRANCIS CRICK, THE CO-DISCOVERER OF THE STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION OF DNA, DETAILS ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERIES OF THE 20TH CENTURY--THE 'SECRET OF LIFE'--TO HIS SON "We have discovered the secret of life," Francis Crick announced to the patrons of the Eagle Pub in Cambridge on that historic afternoon of February 1953. According to his co-discoverer James D. Watson: "As was normal for a Saturday morning, I got to work at Cambridge University's Cavendish Laboratory earlier than Francis Crick on February 28, 1953. I had good reason for being up early. I knew that we were close--though I had no idea just how close--to figuring out the structure of a then little-known molecule called deoxyribonucleic acid: DNA. This was not any old molecule: DNA, as Crick and I appreciated, holds the very key to the nature of living things. It stores the hereditary information that is passed on from one generation to the next, and it orchestrates the incredibly complex world of the cell. Figuring out its three-dimensional structure--the architecture by which the molecule is put together--would, we hoped, provide a glimpse of what Crick referred to only half-jokingly as 'the secret of life'" (James Watson, DNA: The Secret of Life, NY, 2003, preface). Francis Crick was born in Northampton, England in 1916, to a family which ran a successful shoemaking firm. Crick's grandfather was a shoemaker and an amateur scientist; his father's brother Walter was also science-minded, and he and Francis conducted chemical experiments together when he was young. Crick studied physics at University College in London, but his studies were interrupted by service in World War II. During the war he worked as a scientist for the British Admiralty, where he contributed important work in connection with magnetic and acoustic mines. After the War, Crick left the Admiralty in 1947 to study biological research at the Strangeways Laboratory in Cambridge. Although the research did not excite him, from there he was able to keep up on developments in the fields of genetics and bacteriology, and in 1949, he transferred to the Cavendish Laboratory, headed by Nobel Laureate Sir Lawrence Bragg. There he would join the new unit established by the Medical Research Council (MRC) to study protein structure using X-rays working alongside future Nobel laureates Max Perutz and John Kendrew. Crick was 33 years old and still a graduate student when the young American, James D. Watson arrived at the Cavendish. Twelve years Crick's junior, Watson had already completed his Ph.D in 1950, and was determined to pursue the nature of the gene and its chemical basis. He and Crick were assigned an office together and quickly began to share their ideas on the physical nature of the gene and how to determine the structure of DNA. Unlike the experimentalists Maurice Wilkins and Rosalind Franklin, they believed the structure could be determined through a combination of data and theory, and model-building to see which structures made the most sense. Watson's carefully constructed models showing the base pairs were critical, while the data they worked with included crucial information from Franklin's X-ray research, which determined that DNA was helical among other characteristics. The Race for the Discovery of the Structure of DNA The knowledge of the existence of DNA was reported as early as 1868, when the Swiss physician Fritz Miescher first discovered its presence in the nuclei of cells. During the decades following Miescher's discovery, other scientists--notably, Phoebus Levene and Erwin Chargaff--carried out a series of research efforts that revealed additional details about the DNA molecule, including its primary chemical components and the ways in which they joined with one another. In 1943, the American medical researcher Oswald Avery had proven that DNA was the molecule responsible for carrying genetic information. But prior to Watson and Crick's study of the structure of DNA (which led to the discovery of its function), proteins were primarily thought to be the carriers of genetic material. Although the chemical composition of DNA was known and understood, scientists were unable to make conclusions about its function. By the 1950s, three groups made it their goal to determine the structure of DNA. Led by Maurice Wilkins, the first group to start was at King's College London, and was later joined by Rosalind Franklin. At King's they were focused on the examination of X-ray diffraction patterns of DNA fibers. Crick and Watson were at Cambridge building physical models using metal rods and balls, in which they incorporated the known chemical structures of the nucleotides, as well as the known position of the linkages joining one nucleotide to the next along the polymer. A third group, at Caltech, was led by Linus Pauling. Of the three groups, only the London team was able to produce good quality diffraction patterns and thus produce adequate quantitative data about the molecule's structure. Crick and Watson's collaboration to discover the structure of DNA became a race with the obvious progress the chemist Linus Pauling was making in California. Pauling had previously published the structure of an important structural component of proteins known as the alpha helix in 1951, and while Watson and Crick were working on their model he published an incorrect triple model of DNA. On that fateful last day in February 1953, Watson recounted: "When I got to our still empty office the following morning, I quickly cleared away the papers from my desk top so that I would have a large, flat surface on which to form pairs of bases held together by hydrogen bonds. Though I initially went back to my like-with-like prejudices, I saw all too well that they led nowhere. When Jerry [Donahue] came in I looked up, saw that it was not Francis, and began shifting the bases in and out of various other pairing possibilities. Suddenly I became aware that an adenine-thymine pair held together by two hydrogen bonds was identical in shape to a guanine-cytosine pair held together by at least two hydrogen bonds. All the hydrogen bonds seemed to form naturally; no fudging was required to make the two types of base pairs identical in shape Upon his arrival Francis did not get more than halfway through the door before I let loose that the answer to everything was in our hands. However, we both knew that we should not be home until a complete model was built in which all the stereo-chemical contacts were satisfactory. There was the obvious fact that the implications of its existence were far too important to risk crying wolf. Thus I felt slightly queasy when at lunch Francis winged into the Eagle to tell everyone within hearing distance that we had found the secret of life" (Watson, The Double Helix, pp. 194-197). "Those early days of March raced by as they attached and detached skeletal metal representations of the atoms using cylindrical collars, such as those familiar to construction kit enthusiasts. It took them several days to measure the positions of all the atoms with a plumb line and ruler. Crick would beat Watson to the lab in the morning, where he could be seen tightening the clamps holding the skeletal model and checking and recording the positions of each atom. Every now and then, a visitor would arrive from the Cavendish to see what all the fuss was about. As physicists upstairs commented, 'steam' was rising from the floor below-excited voices, laughter, and Crick's voice as he delivered yet another 'buoyant and booming' lecture to the next visitor. This went on all week, ending Saturday morning 'by which time,' said Crick, 'I was so tired, I just went straight home and to bed.'" (Olby, p. 169). As soon as they made their discovery, they immediately set about preparing it for publication, and on April 2nd it was submitted to the journal Nature. To avoid any embarrassment such as they had had on one of their earlier failed attempts at a structure, the two scientists checked and re-checked their model and began showing it to their colleagues at the Cavendish, before announcing it to their rivals at King's College and Caltech. "Confirmation that Watson and Crick were over the first hurdle came after they had given Wilkins a copy of the paper intended for Nature that they had been drafting and redrafting. Wilkins responded in a letter dated 18 March that begins 'I think you're a couple of old rogues but you may well have something. I like the idea'" (Olby, p. 171). "The final version was ready to be typed on the last weekend of March. Our Cavendish typist was not on hand, and the brief job was given to my sister. There was no problem persuading her to spend a Saturday afternoon this way, for we told her that she was participating in perhaps the most famous event in biology since Darwin's book. Francis and I stood over her as she typed the nine-hundred-word article that began, 'We wish to suggest a structure for the salt of deoxyribose nucleic acid (DNA). This structure has novel features which are of considerable biological interest.' On Tuesday the manuscript was sent up to Bragg's office and on Wednesday, April 2, went off to the editors of Nature" (James Watson, The Double Helix, p. 222). The 'Secret of Life' Letter It was during this period, while successive drafts of their first paper were going back and forth between Cambridge and London, that Francis Crick wrote a remarkable letter outlining their discovery to his twelve-year old son, Michael, who was at the time convalescing while away at boarding school. Michael F.C. Crick was Francis Crick's son from his first marriage (1940-47) to Ruth Doreen Dodd. In the same understated voice that would become familiar in their published announcement, Crick writes on March 19th: "Dear Michael, Jim Watson and I have probably made a most important discovery. We have built a model for the structure of des-oxy-ribose-nucleic-acid (read it carefully) called D.N.A. You may remember that the genes of the chromosomes - which carry the hereditary factors - are made up of protein and D.N.A. Our structure is very beautiful" He goes on to describe the structure in detail including its helical shape with his hand drawn diagram: "Now we have two of these chains winding round each other - each one is a helix - and the chain, made up of sugar and phosphorus, is on the outside, and the bases are all on the inside. I can't draw it very well, but it looks like this" Crick lays out the fixed base pairings which he describes as being like a code: "If you are given one set of letters you can write down the others. "Now we believe that the D.N.A. is a code. That is, the order of the bases (the letters) makes one gene different from another gene (just as one page of print is different from another). You can now see how Nature makes copies of the genes. Because if the two chains unwind into two separate chains, and if each chain then makes another chain come together on it, then because A always goes with T, and G with C, we shall get two copies where we had one before." After a series of diagrams of the base pairings, he modestly continues: "In other words we think we have found the basic copying mechanism by which life comes from life." Referring to publication of the discovery, Crick informs he son: "You can understand that we are very excited. We have to have a letter off to Nature in a day or so" and instructs him "Read this carefully so that you understand it. When you come home we will show you the model. Lots of love, Daddy." This letter was referred to by Crick as the "Secret of Life Letter," and has been cited often in the accounts of the discovery, including those of Horace Freeland Judson, and Robert Olby. This is due to its remarkable content, apart from the touching personal aspect of the transmission of his most recent discovery to his young son. In essence, it provides a concise illustrated summary of the first two important papers written by Watson and Crick that appeared in Nature in April and May of 1953, respectively. Beyond describing the double-helix structure and base pair combinations of the first paper, the letter summarizes their ideas about genetic replication that would appear in their important second article for Nature, published on May 30, 1953. Aftermath Although recognized today as one of the seminal scientific papers of the twentieth century, Watson and Crick's original article in Nature was not frequently cited at first. Its true significance became apparent, and its circulation widened, only towards the end of the 1950s, when the structure of DNA they had proposed was shown to provide a mechanism for controlling protein synthesis, and when their conclusions were confirmed in the laboratory by Matthew Meselson, Arthur Kornberg, and others. Watson and Crick collaborated on three papers on DNA in 1953, and one the following year. Their second Nature article, which appeared in May 1953, entitled "Genetical Implications of the Structure of Deoxyribonucleic Acid," is considered by some scientists to be more important in some ways than the first, because it describes a mechanism for duplication, and for the first time a diagram of the two base pairs, and describes their replication--these critical aspects are all included in Crick's remarkable letter to his son, well in advance of formal publication. "Watson and Crick's second paper begins with a sweeping declamatory statement typical of both authors: 'The importance of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) within living cells is undisputed.' Then follow three very carefully worded sentences, probably written by Crick, that neatly express the main reason for the widespread reluctance at the time to accept DNA as the genetic material. 'Many lines of evidence indicate that it is the carrier of a part of (if not all) the genetic specificity of the chromosomes and thus of the gene itself. Until now, however, no evidence has been presented to show how it might carry out the essential operation required of a genetic material, that of exact duplication.'Then follows the important inference that 'it therefore seems likely that the precise sequence of the bases is the code which carries the genetical information.' That word 'code,' speaking of a secret to be discovered, expressed their hopes for the future" (Olby, p. 186). In 1962, Crick, Watson and Maurice Wilkins received the Nobel Prize in medicine for their work at the Cavendish Laboratory and at the University of Cambridge. Rosalind Franklin, who also worked on the research, died in 1958 before the Nobel was awarded. It is not awarded posthumously. Watson and Crick continued their investigations into the secrets of life, and eventually would go their separate ways in their search, but it was their discovery in early 1953 of the double helical structure of deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), which led to their worldwide recognition--as well as the development of the field of molecular biology. It marked a milestone in the history of science and gave rise to modern molecular biology, which is largely concerned with understanding how genes control the chemical processes within cells. Their discovery yielded ground-breaking insights into the genetic code and protein synthesis. During the 1970s and 1980s, it helped to produce new and powerful scientific techniques, specifically recombinant DNA research, genetic engineering, rapid gene sequencing, and monoclonal antibodies, techniques on which today's multi-billion dollar biotechnology industry is founded. Major current advances in science, such as genetic fingerprinting and modern forensics, the mapping of the human genome, and the future promise of gene therapy, all have their origins in Watson and Crick's inspired work. In 1968, Watson became director of the molecular-biology lab at Cold Spring Harbor, New York and in 1988 became head of the United States Human Genome Project. In 1977, Crick became professor at the Salk Institute for Biological Studies in La Jolla, California, where he did brain research. Francis Crick died in 2004 at the age of 88. Most of his scientific papers are at The Wellcome Library for the History and Understanding of Medicine in London, and therefore ANY MANUSCRIPT MATERIAL FROM THE TIME OF THEIR DISCOVERY IS UNLIKELY TO APPEAR ON THE MARKET. Watson reflected fifty years after the discovery: "Crick's brag in the Eagle...that we had indeed discovered that 'secret of life,' struck me as somewhat immodest, especially in a country like England, where understatement is a way of life. Crick, however, was right. Our discovery put an end to a debate as old as the human species: Does life have some magical, mystical essence, or is it, like any chemical reaction carried out in a science class, the product of normal physical and chemical processes? Is there something divine at the heart of [a] cell that brings it to life? The double helix answered that question with a definitive No" (DNA: The Secret of Life, preface). Crick's work with Watson on the double helix structure, and his subsequent work laying down the foundations of molecular biology, made him a seminal figure in the field of science. Their findings, as expressed by Crick in this remarkable early letter, constitute one of the most important scientific discoveries of the 20th century, the recognition of the double helix structure of DNA as the blueprint of life-the "Secret of Life."

  • USAUSA
  • 2013-04-10
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The autograph manuscript of the Second Symphony ("the Resurrection")

A monumental and dramatic manuscript written throughout in the composer's characteristic bold musical script, mainly in intense black ink, with some parts in brown or violet ink (the final seven pages in violet ink), on up to twenty-eight staves per page, a working manuscript in places, with inserted leaves, corrections and deletions, including an important pencil sketch for the opening of the third movement, together with many revisions and additions to the orchestration written in blue crayon in the first three movements and in violet ink in the final movement, inscribed and dated by the composer at the end of first and last movements respectively: "Sonntag 29. April [18]94 renovatum" & "Beendigt am Dienstag, den 18. Dezember 1894 zu Hamburg". 232 pages, large folio (c.35 x 27cm), 24- & 28-stave papers, without a title page, unbound bifolios, each movement foliated separately by the composer (the fourth paginated in another hand), retaining the original composing structure, including inserted leaves and bifolios, traces of earlier stitching to the first three movements, the final two movements unstitched, annotations in pencil to the lower margins by Mahlers copyists, modern cloth-covered folding box, gilt lettering labels, mainly Hamburg (some parts possibly also at Steinbach am Attersee), April to December 1894, a few creases to margins I. "Maestoso. Mit durchaus ernstem und feierlichem Ausdruck", comprising 15 bifolios, with the remains of stitching, a total of 58 pages. II. "Andante con moto", comprising 8 bifolios, the remains of stitching, a total of 30 pages. III. [Scherzo], comprising 14 bifolios, one unnumbered, the remains of stitching, a total of 53 pages. IV. "Nro 4. 'Urlicht'. Sehr feierlich, aber schlicht", comprising two unstitched bifolios, a total of 8 pages. V. "Im Tempo des Scherzos. Wild herausfahrend!", comprising 21 unstitched bifolios, a total of 83 pages. THIS IS THE GREATEST AUTOGRAPH MUSIC MANUSCRIPT TO BE OFFERED AT AUCTION FOR NEARLY THIRTY YEARS.   The only comparable autographs are those of the nine Mozart symphonies (Sothebys London, 22 May 1987, lot 457) and Schumanns Second Symphony (Sothebys London, 1 December 1994, lot 317). NO AUTOGRAPH OF A COMPLETE SYMPHONY BY MAHLER HAS APPEARED AT AUCTION FOR NEARLY SIXTY YEARS.  Indeed, since Sothebys sold Mahlers First Symphony in 1959, no autograph of a complete symphony by any of the great late Romantic composers--Brahms, Tchaikovsky, Bruckner or Mahler--has been sold at auction; this is a unique opportunity to acquire such a manuscript. MAHLERS MONUMENTAL SECOND SYMPHONY WAS THE GRANDEST OF ALL NINETEENTH-CENTURY SYMPHONIES. With the vast forces and great length (around an hour and a half), it easily surpassed its choral predecessors by Beethoven, Berlioz and Liszt in its enormous range and conception.  It is a standard work in the concert repertory, performed and recorded by all the great conductors.  Mahler demands an orchestra of over one hundred players, comprising four or five each of the woodwind instruments (including piccolos, E-flat clarinets and contrabassoon), ten trumpets, ten French horns, four trombones and tuba, two harps, organ, an extensive battery of percussion and the largest possible contingent of strings. THIS IS THE ONLY AUTOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT OF THE COMPLETE  SYMPHONY:  There are early drafts of individual movements now dispersed in Basel, Yale, New York and London, together with a fair number of sketch-leaves in Vienna and elsewhere.   There is no other autograph score of the great Finale to Mahlers symphony, its crowning glory.  Mahler began this as a fair copy of his complete symphony, but subsequently revised the manuscript making important changes to the orchestration in blue crayon and in violet ink, introducing new instruments such as the E-flat clarinet, extra timpani and harp parts.  These alterations are particularly extensive in the third and fifth movements.  Mahler also revises the opening of the third movement; there is a pencil sketch in his hand, where the manuscript differs markedly from his final version. This manuscript is particularly important for being unaltered, untrimmed and unbound.  It retains its original physical form, reflecting and revealing how Mahler created the final musical structure of his work.  Mahler wrote the manuscript on a series of numbered bifolios (sheets folded to form four pages each), and the insertion and extraction of leaves into this sequence provides crucial evidence of how Mahler brought his masterpiece to its final form.  Other manuscripts of his symphonies now in libraries are mostly bound, sometimes with the leaves separated and mounted on guards, so that such evidence has been irretrievably lost.   Although the facsimile that Gilbert Kaplan published reproduces the colours of the manuscript faithfully, it does not show anything of this physical structure.                                                                 *** MAHLERS RESURRECTION SYMPHONY DEALS WITH MATTERS OF LIFE AND DEATH; IN DOING SO, IT REPRESENTS THE CULMINATION OF THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY SYMPHONY.  It is his most accessible and arguably his greatest early treatment of such existential issues and this is why it has always been among his most popular works.  Mahler was following a great tradition, building on the expansion of the form achieved by Beethoven in his Ninth; that work also concluded with a great choral finale, expressing Schillers humanist Ode to Joy, and linking all the movements. These innovations were developed by Berlioz and Liszt to express mortal, supernatural, diabolic and mystical concepts.  Mahler was fully aware that this continual development and expansion of the symphony went hand in hand with the desire to express grander and more profound concepts and "newer elements of feeling".  He wrote in Hamburg in 1893 that "composers began to include ever deeper and more complex sides of their emotional lives in the realm of their creative work...from [Beethoven] on not just the fundamental shades of the mood--thus e.g. sheer joyfulness or sadness etc.--but also the transition from one mood to another--conflicts--Nature and her impact upon us--humour, and poetic ideas--were the objects of musical emulation.  All aspects of metaphysics, religious problems and existentialism fascinated Mahler, and he continually engrossed himself in philosophical problems and reflected them through music. At this time Mahler was better known as a conductor than as a composer, and specifically an opera conductor.  Inevitably, his daily diet was not Berlioz and Liszt, but Webers Der Freischütz, Beethovens Fidelio,  Mozarts Don Giovanni & Die Zauberflöte, Rossinis Il barbiere di Siviglia, Meyerbeers Les Huguenots, Bizets Carmen, Verdis Un ballo in maschera and, increasingly from 1885 on, the operas of Wagner.  His repertoire as a conductor included well over one hundred operas, many staged in several different productions. Not surprisingly, Mahlers Resurrection Symphony is a vividly dramatic work.  It portrays the triumph of the human spirit in overcoming death, whose depiction in the first movement is as dramatic and terrifying as in Verdis Requiem.  In the long first movement, Mahler presents us with the relentless struggle with death, firmly bound in the fateful key of C minor.  The even-more-ambitious Finale, lasting over half an hour, contains the voice crying in the wilderness, the Last Trump, the Resurrection and all the struggle that leads up to it.  Mahlers fourteen-year experience of conducting operas informed his dramatic presentation, not least in his striking use of off-stage brass and percussion. Mahler originally composed the first movement in August and September 1888, but could not continue the symphony; he later retitled his fair copy 'Todtenfeier' (Funeral rites). He took the work up again in July 1893, writing the second, third and fourth movements. Only in April 1894 did Mahler return to assembling these disparate movements into a coherent whole, by revising the first movement and composing his great Finale. The inspiration came to him on 29 March 1894, when he attended the memorial service of the great pianist and conductor Hans von Bülow (1830-1894) in Hamburg. Mahler explained to Arthur Seidl that it was only then that he fixed on the conclusion that would bind his great work together: I had long contemplated bringing in the choir in the last movement, and only the fear that it would be taken as a superficial imitation of Beethoven made me hesitate again and again. Then Bülow died and I went to the memorial service [Todtenfeier] ...the choir, up in the organ loft, intoned Klopstocks Resurrection chorale. It flashed on me like lightening, and everything became plain and clear in my mind! It was the flash that all creative artists wait for, conception by the Holy Ghost! What I experienced had now to be expressed in sound. Mahler did on three occasions write a descriptive programme about the symphony: In a letter of 1896, Mahler wrote that ...The first movement depicts the titanic struggles of a mighty being still caught in the toils of this world; grappling with life and with the fate to which he must succumb--and his death.  The second and third movements, Andante and Scherzo, are episodes from the life of the fallen hero...While the first three movements are narrative in character, in the last movement everything is immediate action. It begins with the death-shriek [reprised from near the end] of the Scherzo. And now the resolution of the terrible problem of life--redemption. At first, we see it in the form created by faith and the ChurchIt is the day of the Last Judgement...the earth trembles. Just listen to the drum-roll, and your hair will stand on end! The Last Trump sounds; the graves spring open, and all creation comes writhing out of the bowels of the earth, with wailing and gnashing of teeth.  Now they all come marching along in a mighty procession: beggars and rich men, common folk and kings...There now follows nothing of what had been expected: no Last Judgement, no souls saved and none damned; no just man, no evil-doer, no judge! Everything has ceased to be. And softly and simply there begins: Auferstehn, ja auferstehn [the Resurrection chorale: Rise up again, yes rise up].... Please see the comprehensive description of this manuscript in the separate catalogue.   Sotheby's is happy to acknowledge the advice and assistance of Professors Stephen Hefling and Paul Banks.

  • GBRUnited Kingdom
  • 2016-11-29
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"Untitled"

A work of breathtaking elegiac beauty, Untitled" from 1992 is amongst the most eloquent examples from the radical, unprecedented, and utterly profound oeuvre of Felix Gonzalez-Torres. Suspended along the length of the delicately undulating white cord, the twenty-four light bulbs of Untitled can be understood to enact a poignant meditation upon the themes of endless unity, mortality, and regeneration which run through the heart of the artists celebrated practice. Exceptionally rare, Untitled" belongs to the series of twenty-four light string works created by Gonzalez-Torres following the death of his partner, Ross Laycock, in 1991. Produced in the following year, the present work is the first example in the body of light string works. In testament to their immense significance, examples of the light strings are held in the collections of the Museum of Modern Art, New York, the Philadelphia Museum of Art, and the Whitney Museum of American Art, New York, among other notable institutions, while the remainder resides amongst the worlds most prestigious private collections. In its sublime simplicity of form, Untitled" strikes a delicate balance between the artists own, deeply personal narrative and themes of universal significance; despite their glow, each bulb will one day flicker out, only to be replaced by another in an act of interminable decay and regeneration. As they suffuse the viewer in a soft halo of light, the glowing bulbs resonate with meaning that is at once intimate and shared, specific and unknowable, permanent and fleeting, achieving Gonzalez-Torress ultimate gesture of implicating the perceiver in the construction of profound meaning. In his unexpected re-appropriation and activation of light bulbs and electric cordobjects frequently encountered and utilized in quotidian contextGonzalez-Torres blurs the border between the familiar world of the everyday and the unknown, unplumbed depths of an altogether more poignant reality. Remarking upon this aspect of the artists practice, Nancy Spector describes, it is also through vision that one can reinvent the universe, infusing the most mundane objects with an undeniable poetry. For Gonzalez-Torres, two glowing light bulbs transmute into a pair of inseparable lovers, a gauze curtain gently fluttering in the breeze incarnates the memory of a departed friend, and a heap of brightly wrapped candies becomes a sensorial body. (Nancy Spector in Exh. Cat., New York, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, Felix Gonzalez-Torres, 1995, p. x) The artists use of quotidian objects in Untitled" evokes the readily available materials used by the Minimalist and Conceptual artists of the 1960s and 70s, exemplified in the sculptures of such artists as Carl Andre, Dan Flavin, and Donald Judd, amongst others; unlike his predecessors, however, Gonzalez-Torres transforms these everyday objects, imbuing their sleek forms with emotive force. Far from the impersonal neutrality and cool permanence of Minimalism, the eventual decay of the glowing bulbs of Untitled" resonates with the suggested transience and vulnerability of human life. This intimacy between viewer and object is further intensified by Gonzalez-Torress instruction that certain decisions about the arrangement and installation of each work are made at the discretion of the exhibitor. The artist describes his practice as inhabiting the space between public and private, between personal and social, between the fear of loss and the joy of loving, of growing, of changing, of always becoming more, of losing oneself slowly and then being replenished all over again from scratch. I need the viewer, I need public interaction. Without a public these works are nothing, nothing. I need the public to complete my work. (Tim Rollins, Susan Cahan, and Jan Avgikos, Felix Gonzalez-Torres, New York 1993, p. 23) Gonzalez-Torress light string works are inherently imbued with a potential both to illuminate and to obscure, their elegant forms simultaneously suggesting presence and absence; this liminality can be understood as an allusion to the universal human condition and, more intimately, as the artists representation of a personal, deeply felt loss. The artist began working with light bulb and extension cords in 1991, soon after the death of Gonzalez-Torress lover, Ross Laycock, in January of that year; the first light sculpture, featuring only two bulbs, suspended from independent, intertwined cords, is titled Untitled (March 5th) #2 in a discreet reference to the day of Rosss birth. Describing the impetus behind that work, Gonzalez-Torres notes, When I first made those two lightbulbs, I was in a total state of fear about losing my dialogue with Ross, of being just one. (Exh. Cat., New York, The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum (and travelling), Felix Gonzalez-Torres, March - May 1995, p. 183) The intimate union symbolized in Untitled" is a fragile one as, over time, the glowing bulbs inevitably dim, flicker, and die out, echoing the inevitable and bittersweet reality of our own relationships. Yet just as in the artists iconic work Untitled" (Portrait of Ross in L.A.), in which viewers may choose to remove a piece of candy from a pile that can be continuously replenished, his instruction that the burned out bulbs be replaced in perpetuity allows for the suggestion of regeneration within inevitable dissolution. In its illuminating glow, Untitled" reveals the remarkable delicacy of culturally mandated distinctions between the intimate and the communal, the seen and the felt, the known and the imagined. As a narrative of profound love and loss, the present work is a modern elegy of unrivaled eloquence; indeed, one scholar remarks that the shimmering light of Untitled" invokes one of Gonzalez-Torress favorite poems, Wallace Stevenss romantic elegy The Final Soliloquy of the Interior Paramour: Light the first light of evening, as in a room / In which we rest and, for small reason, think / The world imagined is the ultimate good.Out of this light, out of the central mind, / We make a dwelling in the evening air, / In which being there together is enough. (Wallace Stevens, The Final Soliloquy of the Interior Paramour, cited in Exh. Cat., New York, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, Felix Gonzalez-Torres, 1995, p. 183) Simultaneously, by encouraging the viewer to acknowledge, even participate in the making of meaning for his artworks, Gonzalez-Torres inspires an equally personal and emotive response from the viewer. In its austere and striking beauty, Untitled" contains an unspeakable multitude of meanings, epitomizing the powerful mediation upon endless unity, love, loss, and hope that can be understood as the central essence of Felix Gonzalez-Torres' extraordinary practice. This work is accompanied by a certificate of authenticity.

  • USAUSA
  • 2017-11-17
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Lavater.

Lavater. Verzeichnis der bisher bekannten gedrukten u: ungedrukten Schriften von Weiland Hrn. Joh. Caspar Lavater gewesener Pfarrer beym St. Peter in Zürich". Deutsche Handschrift auf Papier. Zürich 1801. 250 S., 1 Bl. Pp. d. Zt. mit Rsch. (Kapitale leicht schadhaft, fleckig und bestoßen). Ein in sauberer Handschrift verfaßtes Verzeichnis der Werke Lavaters. Einen Monat nach dessen Tode 1801 von einem anonymen Verfasser zu Papier gebracht. Durchaus vorstellbar, daß er aus dem engeren Mitarbeitern oder Bekanntenkreis Lavaters stammte; wie sonst hätte er unveröffentlichtes Material in seine Bibliographie aufnehmen können? Die Titelaufnahmen der veröffentlichten Werke verzeichnen professionell Verfasser, Erscheinungsort undnjahr, teilweise mit Kollationen. Sie beeindrucken durch die Angabe der Quellen, darunter neben Rezensionsorganen wie der "Allgemeinen deutschen Bibliothek" auch die Zürcher Zeitung und der Londoner Chronicle. Chronologisch werden in zehn Kapiteln die Schriften von und über Lavater aufgeführt. Die Kapitel enthalten theologische, katechetische und philosophische Schriften, Poesien, Vermischtes und Kleinigkeiten. Der Anhang führt "merkwürdige Schriften von und über Lavater", "Biographien, Bildnisse und Schattenrisse", "Maleficanten", "Rezensionen und Charakterstudien von Freunden und Feinden". Auch einzelnen Themen wie "Cagliostro und Lavater", "Messmer und Lavater" und "Lavaters Reise nach Bremen" sind Kapitel gewidmet. Den fälschlich unter Lavaters Namen veröffentlichten Schriften trägt der Verfasser ebenso Rechnung wie den postum erschienenen Werken und denen zu seinem Andenken.

  • DEUGermany
  • 2013-06-21
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